Smart Border Management Conference 2017

 

The 2nd edition of the conference on ‘Smart Border Management‘ was organised by India Foundation in partnership with FICCI at the FICCI auditorium on 18-19 September 2017. The conference brought various stakeholders together on a common platform to address the fundamental challenge of border management: How to enhance trans-border movement of peoples, goods and ideas while simultaneously restricting all forms of illegal activities across the borders?

Mr. KirenRijiju, Minister of State for Home Affairs, Government of India, in his inaugural address underlined the need for enhanced coordination and collaboration among diverse government agencies and stakeholders besides adoption of technology and change in the mindset for stepping up India’s border management system. With respect to mindsets, the Minister said that other countries encourage civilian settlements in border areas and promote trade and commerce there. These areas are well connected by surface communication means and have all amenities as available in the hinterland. India, on the other hand has isolated its border areas and restricted civilian movement and commerce. He said it was imperative to develop our border areas and promote commercial activity in all such areas.

 

Mr. Rijiju said that the engagement of multiple agencies in border management was resulting in delay of implementation of policies and adoption of technology. He cited an example where the tedious tender process and other formalities caused unwarranted delay in installing a full body scanner and emphasised the need to address such issues immediately. He said that the government is working towards improving security and infrastructure in border areas and along the coast and that national security cannot be compromised at any cost. Towards this, the government is working towards strengthening marine police to secure India’s long coastal borders. He added that to make India’s border management system robust, secure and well-guarded, it was essential to have seamless coordination between policy makers and defence and security agencies.

Mr. Rijiju informed the audience that for sealing the India-Pakistan border, a smart technology aided fence will be in position by December 2018. He also highlighted the fact that India believes that borders were not for dividing people but for bringing them together and engaging in trade and commercial activities for bringing prosperity.

On the occasion, the Minister released the FICCI-PwC Report ‘Smart Border Management – Indian Coastal &Maritime Security’.

Dr. Subhash Bhamre, Minister of State for Defence, Government of India, said that varying challenges were posed by each border state in India. The major challenges in border security were cross-border terrorism, insurgency, infiltration, narcotics, separatists’ movement and smuggling. There was a need for coordinated and concerted efforts to strengthen policing and guarding of border areas while developing infrastructure. He added that power of technology was needed to be leveraged for effective border management system.

Speaking about Comprehensive Integrated Border Management System (CIBMS), which has been deployed by the Government of India on a pilot basis on select terrains to boost India’s security systems, Mr. K. K. Sharma, Director General, Border Security Force (BSF), said that the main components of the system were virtual fencing, command and control system, response mechanism, power backup, maintenance and training. He added with the adoption of CIBMS, India was looking at moving towards network-centric surveillance from human-centric to counter the limitations of human resource. He added adoption of advanced technology and reduced human resource intervention was needed to strengthen India’s defence systems.

Mr. Rajan Luthra, Co-Chair, FICCI Committee on Homeland Security & Head, Special Projects, Chairman’s Office, Reliance Industries Ltd., said that smart borders on one hand should allow seamless movement of authorised people and goods, while on the other, minimise cross border security challenges using innovation and technology enablement. Adoption of advanced technologies for border control and surveillance, and the development of integrated systems for capture and exchange of data will facilitate enhanced effectiveness of the operational agencies with enhanced security. He added that over the long term, smart border management will also have to incorporate systems that digitally monitor patterns of activity through and around border areas to root out organised crime and anti-national events.

In his theme presentation, Mr. DhirajMathur, Partner & Leader, Aerospace and Defence, PwC India, said that the FICCI-PwC report elucidates the present status of various programmes that have been undertaken by the government, both in the hinterland and in coastal states. It highlights the efforts required for enhancing costal and maritime security with support from industry, especially on the technology, infrastructure and capacity building fronts, and for building an integrated and collaborative coastal and maritime security management framework.

In his special address on ‘Countering Transnational Organised Crime through Effective Border Management,’ Mr. Sergey Kapinos, Representative – The United Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC) Regional Office for South Asia, said that UNODC is formulating an action plan for 2018 – 21 which will spell out the threat assessment of transnational organised crime in South Asia. The details of the plan will be shared with countries of the region to enable them to take effective and timely measures for putting in place an integrated border management system.

Transnational organised crime manifests in many forms, including trafficking in drugs, firearms and even persons. At the same time, organised crime groups exploit human mobility to smuggle migrants and undermine financial systems through money laundering. The vast sums of money involved can compromise legitimate economies and directly impact public processes by ‘buying’ elections through corruption. It yields high profits for its culprits and results in high risks for individuals who fall victim to it. Every year, countless individuals lose their lives at the hand of criminals involved in organised crime, succumbing to drug – related health problems or injuries inflicted by firearms, or losing their lives as a result of the unscrupulous methods and motives of human traffickers and smugglers of migrants.

Mr. Kapinos said integrated border management needs to be developed as an integral part of the overall national security system in close coordination with neighbouring countries as improving security unilaterally will amount to nothing if not implemented cooperation with border States. Organised crime has diversified, gone global and reached macro – economic proportions: illicit goods may be sourced from one continent, trafficked across another, and marketed in a third. Transnational organised crime can permeate government agencies and institutions, fuelling corruption, infiltrating business and politics, and hindering economic and social development. And it is undermining governance and democracy by empowering those who operate outside the law.

Mr. Ram Madhav, National General Secretary, BharatiyaJanta Party, while addressing the valedictory session of the conference said that the Government is working towards upgrading the capabilities of security agencies and developing physical infrastructure along with adopting technology for effective management of Indian borders. He said that several border posts of India were still not accessible for maintaining a vigil on the border, but in the next three to four years, the government was committed to connect each border post with a motorable road. Emphasising the importance of having good diplomatic relations with neighbouring countries to combat cross-border terrorism, Mr. Madhav said that recent example was the diffusing of Doklam situation where India was able to secure its interests without resorting to armed conflict. On the Rohingya issue, Mr. Madhav said that India was dealing with the situation from both the security and humanitarian angle.

Mr. Madhav urged FICCI and India Foundation to assist the government in strengthening relations with neighbouring countries by engaging with them on the economic front. He pointed out that it was expected that by 2025, the Indian Ocean Region would emerge as a strong economic power offering immense opportunities to the private sector. However, this would give rise to security concerns. To address such issues, India was upgrading its naval capabilities.

Dr. SanjayaBaru, Secretary General, FICCI, said that FICCI had been engaging with ASEAN and BIMSTEC and other neighbouring regions of India and would continue to strengthen ties with them. While the government is building and maintaining progressive diplomatic relations, the private sector was doing its bits to assist the government in this regard.

Maj. Gen Dhruv C. Katoch, Director, India Foundation, said that the two day conference had productive deliberations. The actionable points and outcome would be documented and presented to respective ministries and agencies for consideration and implementation.

 

World Summit on Counter Terrorism Inter Disciplinary Center, Herzliya, Israel

Jihadi Terrorism in Af-Pak Region and its Regional Implications

September 13, 2017

SUMMIT REPORT

India Foundation hosted a workshop on the ‘Jihadi Terrorism in Af-Pak Region and its Regional Implications’ at the 17th World Summit on Counter Terrorism organised by Institute of Counter Terrorism, Herzliya, Israel. World Summit on Counter Terrorism is an annual event of the ICT, Herzliya, post the 9/11 terrorist attacks in the United States.

The specific subject was chosen by India Foundation to sensitise Western countries to the threat posed by Jihadi Terror in the Af-Pak region as earlier discussions on the subject were restricted to terrorism concerns that emanated from threats from the Middle East to the Western world. There was thus a need to shift the focus of the international community to acts of terrorism in the vicinity of the Indian subcontinent. The workshop was chaired byCapt (IN) AlokBansal, Director, India Foundation. The following speakers participated:

 

  • Shri Amar Sinha, Former Ambassador and Secretary in the Ministry of External Affairs, India,
  • Michael Barak, Senior Researcher, ICT, Inter Disciplinary Center, Herzliya, Israel,
  • Shri Milo Comerford, Analyst, Tony Blair Institute for Global Change, United Kingdom
  • Peter Knoope, Associate Fellow and Former Director, International Centre for Counter Terrorism (ICCT), The Netherlands,
  • Jonathan Paris, Senior Advisor, Chertoff Group, United Kingdom.
  • Gen. (Ret.) Syed Ata Hasnain, Former Military Secretary & Army Corps Commander, Indian Army.
  • (Res.) Dr. Shaul Shay. Research Fellow, ICT and Director of Research, Institute for Policy and Strategy (IPS),
  • IDC, Herzliya, Israel was the respondent.

 

A gist of the points emphasized by the various speakers is given below.

 Capt. (IN) AlokBansal

The world view at the conference has been limited to Middle-East and the Western World, sometimes giving the impression that only the area between Israel and the United States was affected by terrorism. However, India has been affected by terrorism much before 9/11. A common narrative being propagated gives one an impression that the Middle East is the only arena of terror and everything will be perfect if Shia extremism, as reflected by Iran today, is countered. It tends to project global terror outfits like al Qaeda and Islamic State (IS) being in a state of decline and consequently, easy to tackle. This warped view also does not take into consideration, the existence of rogue nations like North Korea.

Ground realities however suggest that terror outfits like al Qaeda and IS are still a very major threat to global peace. Whilst it is true that the territory they control is shrinking, their influence is certainly not declining. A large number of youth continue to be driven towards these radical outfits, not because of any  sense of alienation or deprivation, but due to a theological narrative that justifies their actions. We cannot undermine the theological undertones of terrorism, as it is this which attracts youth across the globe. Osama bin Laden and Ayman al-Zawahiri, though born in Middle East, moved to Af-Pak region as they believed that for theological validation, they needed to fight the war in Khorasan. Similarly IS also established a Khurasan Chapter, as soon as they had some presence in the region. It is essential to understand the theological underpinnings of terror and come up with a counter narrative. Since Khurasan incorporates Afghanistan and Pakistan, it is essential to understand the strands of terrorism there, because they will impact the whole world.

Ambassador Amar Sinha

While sitting in Israel and talking of terror, the outer boundary seems limited to Iran. One only has to glance at the map to realise that  Israel and India are two extremities between which various proxies, non state actors and non states are acting. The Taliban remains the most radical and obscurantist group that was created in 1994 to fight the anti USSR Afghan Mujahideen after the withdrawal of USSR. Pakistan desired a pliable government in Kabul and chose an ignorant village cleric, Mullah Omar to lead it till his death was announced in Pakistan two years ago. Mullah Omar had declared himself as Amir al-Mu’minin. The Taliban leadership operates from the safe havens in Pakistan, like al Qaida’s Ayman al-Zawahiri or Osama bin Laden till he was located and killed in Abbottabad. The Afghan Mujahideen groups also known as the Peshawar 7 were all based in Pakistan and ISI was the main channel for all material support that came from the USA, Saudi Arabia also China. The jihad was launched to fight the godless communists.  In a way, Taliban is a residue of this war.

The Taliban ran a government from 1996 to 2001, but controlled only 75 percent of the country and received recognition from only three nations—Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and the UAE while the Rabbani government retained the seat in the UN and existed in the North.Post 9/11, Taliban was given the option of handing over Osama bin Laden or facing US military. They chose the Pashtun tradition of standing by their guest. Their government collapsed within weeks and it required only a dozen of special forces supporting the Northern Alliance to do the job.

A number of myths exist about Taliban, the two most common being:

  • Taliban controls 50 percent of Afghan territory. This is an exaggeration.
  • Taliban has no global ambition and is a local insurgency. This is a self serving argument to downplay the threat of Taliban. A common saying in Afghanistan is that a good Taliban is a dead Taliban. This underlines how Taliban is viewed in that country.

When in power, the Afghan Taliban invited Osama bin Laden to the region. This created conditions for jihadists and foreign fighters of all shades to find a foothold in the region, to include al Qaeda, Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, East Turkmenistan Islamic Movement and several India focussed Pakistani groups. As of now, Taliban is a predominantly Pashtun group and there are various conflicts happening at the same time. There is an intra-Pashtun jostling for power, with a desire to see Pashtuns prevail over the non-Pashtuns. There is also a fight against presence of infidel foreign troops and a fight over resources including drugs. Thus, there are many drivers of conflict beyond religion. Seeking power too is an important factor.  There is also the additional element of Pakistani policy of strategic depth and its search for reach beyond Afghanistan into Central Asia. Pakistan sees itself as the original Islamic state after Zia era. Pakistani Madrassas are churning out possible fighters in thousand.

With respect to Afghanistan, President Trump has departed from previous policy in that he has empowered military commanders and done away with artificial timelines. He has now linked US withdrawal to conditions on the ground. The policy also brings within its ambit the Pakistani nukes and the danger of it falling in the hands of the terrorists. The policy also underlines that fight and talk with Taliban will not go on together. Some of Afghan neighbours want US to fail for their own reasons, and leave the region. The situation in Afghanistan directly impacts India’s security. Taliban and Pakistan already boast of defeating one super power, and hope to do the same to the US.

Dr. Michael Barak: AQIS—The Neglected AQ’s Affiliate: A Growing Threat to the Region.

The rise of IS threatens the existence of al Qaeda. While IS was in focus of the entire world, al Qaeda become stronger at the same time. Aymanal-Zawahiri announced the AQIS (Al Qaeda in the Indian Subcontinent) as its newest branch with an aim to broaden its influence in South Asia. AQIS is active in Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh and Myanmar. It has been targeting mosques in Pakistan, is active in Kashmir in India, is involved in acts of killing bloggers and LGBT activists in Bangladesh and is working against Buddhists in Myanmar. It believes in establishing Caliphate and the rule of Shariah. AQIS was involved in an attack on naval dockyard in Pakistan in September, 2014. It uses technology to meet its purposes, to include messaging services like Telegram, Twitter and YouTube. It also believes in promoting the idea of Maritime Jihad by targeting ships and naval trade routes and controlling the Indian Ocean. AQIS is different from IS in that it believes in winning hearts and minds of the people. It portrays itself as more liberal and modern than IS and believes in avoiding antagonising the civil society. AQIS aims to regroup and unite jihadi groups in South Asia.

AQIS believes in Ghazwa-e-Hind and aims to gain wider support among the people by focusing on domestic political agenda. For instance, they supported the protests against killing of the terrorist BurhanWani. Zakir Musa, the Kashmir leader of the AQIS has said that he wants to create an Islamic State in Kashmir. In Myanmar, AQIS has supported Rohingya cause and given a call to fight for them. Fighters from Bangladesh are now going to fight for the cause of Rohingya. AQIS has a strategic understanding and their capability should not be  underestimated.

Mr. Milo Comerford: ISIS & the Taliban—A battle of Ideas in Afghanistan. A lot of propaganda is being spewed by various groups and they have  differences in their theological understandings. We can now see the emergence of a Khorasan province in Afghanistan to build theological legitimacy. Abu Muhammad al-Adnani, Islamic State’s now-deceased spokesperson, announced an expansion of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi’s caliphate into the “Lands of Khorasan.” Militant violence escalated rapidly and Afghanistan saw more deaths from terrorism in 2015 than ever before in the country, with around 800 more casualties than in the previous year. The Taliban perhaps could have refashioned itself as a “moderate” alternative to ISIS brutality. Instead it doubled down, launching renewed attacks under sustained pressure, culminating in the brief capture of the city of Kunduz in September 2015. ISIS’s rise undoubtedly played a role as a catalyst for the commencement of a “race to the bottom” between militants, as the Taliban’s monopoly on anti-state violence diminished.

ISIS and the Taliban’s competing claims of legitimacy are framed in almost exclusively religious tones, while their criticisms of their rivals are primarily ideological. Taliban rhetoric and propaganda focuses on showing itself as a truer and more pious defender of Islam than its rival. The Taliban explicitly differentiates itself from ISIS by emphasising its adherence to Hanafi jurisprudence, one of the four orthodox Sunni schools, in line with the practice of the majority of Afghan Sunnis. According to Michael Semple, an expert on Taliban ideology, “Taliban opposition to ISIS rests on the movement’s well-established position of rejecting Salafism as an alien deviation from Afghan clerical tradition.” This is paradoxical as it gets support from Saudi. ISIS seeks to show that the Taliban is religiously ‘deviant’ and has criticised the group’s “significant Sharia mistakes.” But non-religious arguments are also being made by ISIS propaganda to broaden its appeal across Afghanistan. ISIS portrays the Taliban’s mission as being narrow and nationalistic, and by “emphasising the Pashtun-centric nature of the Taliban,” the group has worked to appeal to other rival ethnic groups, evidenced through its recruitment of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan to its cause.

Till date, there have been only three points of convergence between IS & al Qaeda and all these have been against Afghan forces. An analyst Obaid Ali has suggested that sympathy for ISIS is rising among young fighters and there are prospects of collaboration-against non-state targets too. In an attack on Hazara village where fifty Shia muslims were killed by a Taliban commander, he pledged allegiance to Abu Bakr Al Baghdadi. IS commanders have said that they will sanction joint attacks with Taliban on Hazara Shias in Afghanistan. There are echoes of jihadi consolidation globally.

Mr. Jonathan Paris: Trends in Pakistan-related Terrorism.

Pakistan continues to sponsor terror from within its borders. India, for the first time, is announcing and mounting attacks on cross border terror groups. Despite all this, South Asia has limited state capacity in law enforcement and intelligence.

Pakistan is not a failed state but is a nuclear failing state but it continues to muddle through. Whilst politics in Pakistan may be dysfunctional and military may be involved in the political process, but Taliban is unlikely to make major inroads in Pakistan with support from mainstream society as long as military is cohesive, the public remains conservative and deep ethnic differences in Pakistan continue to remain muted. Today, it can be said that we are living in a security village where one country’s security depth is another country’s insecurity.

Mr. Peter Knoope: The Indian Subcontinent

In the early 20th century, Britain played the sectarian card and gave rise to tension by playing divide and rule. The animosity between India and Pakistan has its basis is religion and runs in the DNA of the region. ISI and Army in Pakistan are part of mixture of political and security arrangement. The general population of Pakistan is anti US/West, while in India, larger population is pro US.

Twenty percent population in Pakistan is Shia, which is the largest Shia population after Iran; in some parts it is even in the majority. But since 2004, there has been increased targeting of Shia population. In Bangladesh, the attack on the Holey bakery, which was claimed by IS, was an anti-Shia attack. There is increased presence and action by IS in India since 2014, with significant presence on Bangladesh border and Kerala. There is a deliberate attempt to increase the Wahhabi influence in India to create influence against Shias. The sectarian divide may shift in India from Hindu-Muslim to Shia-Sunni. There is a constant influence of external factors like that of China, Saudi Arabia, Iran, US and UK in the Indian Subcontinent and it is important that the governments respond.

Lt. Gen. (Ret.) Syed Ata Hasnain: Terrorism & Hybrid Conflict in Kashmir—Its Effects on the Af-Pak Region.

There are historical similarities of security issues that face Israel and India. Both nations attained their independence around the same time. Immediately after independence, India faced a tribal attack from Pakistan while Israel faced attack from the Arab world. Israel won the important ‘Six Day War’ in 1967 and India won the war in 1971 against Pakistan which created Bangladesh. Israel saw the ideological threat of Muslim Brotherhood in Middle East while India witnessed the Jamat-e-Islami movement. Both were responsible for spread of Islamic radicalism. Islamic radicalism as we know it today, was born in the refugee camps on the boundary of Pakistan and Afghanistan where three million refugees had been displaced by the war in Afghanistan against the Soviet invasion. The first jihadi warriors (all transnational) of the world were financed by Saudi Arabia, armed by the US and aided by Pakistan’s ISI. The trend of using radical Jihadism to unite fighters and link the target populace with the ideological sponsors (in this case Saudi Arabia and Pakistan) became a model which was then attempted in Chechnya, Bosnia and Kashmir.

Pakistan’s strategy against India is to flood Kashmir with foreign terrorists and motivate the locals to pick up arms. The foreign terrorists are experienced fighters from the war in Afghanistan. There are Pakistani fighters too, from its bad lands, jails (death row) and even a few HIV patients who were motivated to die for the Islamic cause to atone for their sins. A lot of financial assistance comes from Saudi Arabia, primarily for converting the local Sufi ideology to a more radical strain of Salafism. The Kashmiri Sufi clergy with mosques have been replaced to some extent by Salafi oriented clergy from Central India. Despite this, the population of Kashmir today does not accept ISIS ideology. The frequent display of ISIS flags is a measure of diverting attention of the Indian intelligence agencies and instigating the security forces. At the same time Al Qaeda does have a presence in Kashmir today. In the last 25 years its efforts to find a presence failed miserably but the minuscule presence today is an attempt to get its foot into the door before the ISIS seriously gets in. The Al Qaida threat is not taken very seriously. As a matter of interest some latest techniques that Jihadis use is to concentrate flash mobs with the help of mosque public address systems and social media to disrupt police and army action against terrorists. This is a major challenge to security forces as care has to be taken to avoid civilian casualties.

Pakistan’s security concerns presently has three major areas of focus-first is Afghanistan where it wishes to sustain Taliban and Haqqani network to prevent an Indian foothold emerging. Second is to stabilise the internal conflict in Pakistan where the TTP and other jihadi groups are battling Pakistani security forces. The third area of interest remains Kashmir where the proxy war is calibrated as per situation.

Dr. Shaul Shay

We need a more comprehensive point of view. Did the sixteen years long American intervention in Afghanistan with 2300 American soldiers losing their lives and the war costing around 700 billion dollars, really win the war for America? We need to evaluate what will happen and to learn from history and experience. Rise of IS was a surprise for everyone and no one was able to predict it. It was a combination of failed stated, vacuum left after America and lack of governance. There are similarities in Afghanistan today. Africa and Afghanistan are two theatres that need to be looked closely. The part that most benefitted from Middle East instability is Iran. It wants to fulfil the dream of Shia crest and if Iran could find Shia militias in Africa it can also find them in Afghanistan. Iranian interest in Af-Pak region is to reduce American involvement and the only power that can influence and create stability in Afghanistan is India.

Capt. (IN) AlokBansal

Israel needs to look beyond Ayatollahs in Iran and make a distinction between them and Iranian public. Iranians need to be viewed as potential allies and not as enemies. If Israel and western world would have looked beyond immediate benefits, they would see that it was AQ Khan Nuclear Wal-Mart that provided nuclear technology to both North Korea and Iran. If this enterprise was nipped in the bud, the globe would not have been staring at the nuclear scare that we are faced with today. Again, the world seems to be making the same mistake of looking at immediate benefits. It is important that a counter narrative be created against terrorism, which is seeped in theology and can be used to prevent youth from gravitating towards global terror outfits. This is a battle of the brains and cannot be won by bombs and bullets.

The report is prepared by Aaditya Tiwari. Senior Research Fellow, India Foundation who participated in the workshop as a rapporteur.’ 

Commemoration of the Battle of Haifa

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There are some battles that are so decisive that they change the course of history and human destiny. The Battle of Haifa fought on the slopes of the sacred Mount Carmel on 23 September 1918 is one such battle. It was here that a small band of four

hundred Indian horsemen armed with swords and lances routed over fifteen hundred Turkish soldiers armed with modern rifles, machine guns and artillery guns. Perhaps it is the geographical setting of the region that makes it the most hotly contested piece of real estate on Earth. Here the three great continents of Asia, Africa and Europe meet and so do the two forked tongues of the Indian Ocean in the form of the Red Sea and Persian Gulf reach towards the Mediterranean which links it to the Atlantic and across it to the Americas.

India Foundation in association with Nehru Memorial Museum and Library (NMML) and Indian War Veterans Association (IWVA) is hosting a commemoration on 20 September 2017 at Nehru Memorial Museum & Library, Teen Murti Bhawan, New Delhi.

India Foundation Dialogue 39

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India Foundation is hosting the 39th edition of its India Foundation Dialogues on 21st September 2017 with Mr Jonathan Spyer.

Conference on UNCLOS: Solutions for managing the Maritime Global Commons

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India Foundation is hosting a Conference on UNCLOS: Solutions for managing the Maritime Global Concerns on 4-6 October 2017 in Port Blair, Andaman & Nicobar Islands.

Maritime issues have emerged as one of the most important security issues in the Indo-Pacific, driving major powers to strategically adjust their policies towards the region. During the past decade, maritime disputes have escalated to the point where the regional order is being affected and the risk of subsequent armed conflict cannot be entirely ruled out. By providing a framework for the regulation of all activities related to the uses of the oceans and seas, UNCLOS strengthens peace, security, cooperation and friendly relations among all States. The UNCLOS Conference will discuss on the following themes

Enduring legitimacy of UNCLOS & its continuing vitality in 21st century.

Role of UNCLOS in facilitating peaceful settlements of disputes: A case of harmonious maritime dispute resolution-India, Bangladesh & Myanmar.

Growing problems of non-compliance with UNCLOS: Analyzing imbroglio in South China Sea.

Maritime Security architecture in the Indo-Pacific region to maintain Freedom of Navigation under UNCLOS.

Choices: Inside the Making of India’s Foreign Policy

“Strategy consists of making the most of available means to achieve one’s goals. India’s goal is to transform India”

– Shiv Shankar Menon, Choices

India’s former National Security Advisor (NSA), Shiv Shankar Menon’s book “Choices: Inside the making of India’s Foreign policy” is a good read to understand the post-cold war decision making in Indian foreign policy. Mr. Menon describes the insider’s account of five crucial scenarios India has faced during his long career in government. The border peace and tranquility agreement with China, the negotiation of the nuclear agreement with the USA,  India’s response to the 26/11 Mumbai attacks by Pakistani terrorists, the final stages of Sri Lankan civil war and the evolution of India’s nuclear doctrine -‘No First Use policy’. In each case, Menon starts with the context, the choices that Delhi had to make and the lessons from these decisions. He also clearly explains the intricacies of getting things done within the political and institutional constraints that he faced which remind us about the need for reforms in India’s governance structures. Menon’s clear articulation of complex topics and command over the details makes each account a very exciting and informative read for anyone interested in India’s foreign policy.

He starts with the 1993 Border Peace and Tranquility Agreement with China – the first ever boundary related agreement between modern states of India and China in which he played a crucial role. He dwells deeper into the historical aspects of India-China ’border’, the 1962 war, Chinese strategy regarding India and Pakistan and its greater goal of becoming a preeminent global power, the intricate details of the negotiations and the calculations which went into the making of the agreement and finally the lessons learned from the agreement. Menon is of full praise to former Prime Minister P.V. Narasimha Rao for leading public opinion and building consensus while bringing along his political opponents for the fruition of the agreement.

The second chapter deals with the Civil Nuclear initiative between India and USA which was started by the first UPA government and which became the pillar of trust and cooperation between India and USA. He covers the entire negotiations which happened between India and USA as well as in international agencies like IAEA, Nuclear Suppliers Group as well as in the US Congress and Indian Parliament. He concludes the chapter by explaining what the civil nuclear initiative means for the larger geopolitics in the 21st century. In his own words the Indo-US nuclear agreement was always much more than a dollar and cents calculation or the import of reactors, or cheap renewable energy for India’s future. It was about much bigger things – like the strategic need to stand up together to balance the rise of China and chart a new century of cooperation between two countries whose strategic objectives converge almost on every aspect in Asia.

The third chapter deals with the question of why India didn’t use overt force against terrorist groups based in Pakistan after the 26/11 attacks in Mumbai in 2008. After dissecting the decision to not militarily respond to the 26/11 attack on Mumbai, Menon argues Prime Minister Manmohan Singh made the right decision not to respond.  But at the same time, he believes that future Indian governments will not be so restrained as the context and personalities heading the country has changed.

India’s involvement in the Sri Lankan civil war is one of its most traumatic overseas adventure till date. It led to thousands of Indian deaths including that of the former Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi. Chapter four deals with India’s experience in Sri Lanka during the Sri Lankan civil war and how choices were made by New Delhi by giving the detailed overview of the different interests and strategic calculations which went into each decision.

Chapter five deals with India’s nuclear doctrine of ‘No First Use’ and he explains clearly why this is the best policy for India which allows India to focus on domestic transformation and economic growth without wasting time and effort on a nuclear arms race. But at the same time and gaining a strategic equivalence by indulging in deterrence strategy.

Menon concludes the book with a valuable reflection on India’s international destiny, its strategic culture and the kind of great power it might become. He offers insights into the emerging constraints on statecraft in this century and the need for strong institutional mechanism to solve issues in the foreign and security policymaking in the coming decades. Menon doesn’t answer directly to the question of whether India has a strategic culture but affirms that there is an Indian way of foreign policy which is “marked by a combination of boldness in conception and caution in implementation, by the dominant and determining role of the Prime Minister”. Menon warns Delhi against embracing ambitions of becoming a traditional great power and forgetting the priority of domestic transformation and reminds of Germany and Japan as examples of rising powers that prematurely thought that their time had come for global domination. Menon ends the book with the discussion on why India needs to be a great power and how it should be a ‘different power’ which uses its power first for domestic transformation of India itself.

Choices should be considered as one of the rare good books on the inside deliberations and thought processes which go into making the Indian security and foreign policy decisions. It is a must-read for anyone who would like to know how and why India has made certain ‘choices’ in its relations with the outside world and how it is trying to be a great power with a difference.

Author: Shivshankar Menon

Publisher :Penguin Random House India, 2016, pp 224

Price: Rs.599/-

Book Review by: Jerin Jose

(Jerin Jose is a Young India fellow, from the 2016-17 batch at Ashoka University.

He can be reached at jerinjose1906@gmail.com)

Eighth Round of India-Bangladesh Friendship Dialogue

DAY 1: Inaugural Session

Enriching the bilateral ties between India and Bangladesh further, the eighth round of
India Bangladesh Friendship Dialogue commenced on 2nd of July in Guwahati. The inaugural event was graced by Md. ShahriarAlam, Hon’ble State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Government of Bangladesh, Shri M.J. Akbar, Minister of State, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, Shri Sarbananda Sonowal, Hon’ble Chief Minister of Assam, Capt. Alok Bansal, Director, India Foundation, Shri Dipok Kr. Borthakur, Vice Chairman, State Innovation and Transformation Aayog (SITA) and Dr. Sreeradha Dutta, Director, Maulana  Abul Kalam Azad Institue of Indian Studies (MAKAIS), and Shri Pankaj Debnath, Member of National Parliament of Bangladesh. Besides, the event also witnessed the presence of many other esteemed and learned dignitaries.

Shri Borthakur delivered the inaugural speech where he reminded all present of the shared linguistic, cultural and historical heritage and the common troubled past that entwines both nations in an intricate bond. He stressed upon how the river Brahmaputra can open up immense developmental possibilities for trade and commerce, and thereby, bring about prosperity to both nations.

Capt. Alok Bansal threw light upon the significance of the Guwahati Dialogue. He said that this maiden event in NE had its genesis in the idea that such events should not be limited to “mainstream” regions alone, but must be extended to all those regions that share borders with Bangladesh.

Keynote speaker M.J. Akbar discussed the long trajectory of bilateral relations between the two nations. Elucidating upon the slogan of the dialogue – “Brave new world” – a phrase borrowed from Aldous Huxley’s novel by the same name, he said that in order to materialise the “New World” envisaged by both the nations, the governments of both the countries are required to have courage; and must work alongside the principles of sovereignty, equality and mutual trust.

Shri Md. Shariar Alam, the other keynote speaker, said that ties between the two nations can be cemented by an equitable share of benefits. He talked about the need to combat terrorism and climate change, and the need for market accessibility in order to achieve collective prosperity.

In his presidential remarks, Shri Sarbanada Sonowal, Chief Minister of Assam focused upon how Prime Minister Modi’s Look East Policy for shared growth and prosperity set a benchmark for bilateral relations between nations. He assured that unswerving efforts are being made by the Government to achieve the goals and targets of the policy. Involving students and the youth in such dialogues can boost conflict-resolution and aid policy-making, he claimed.

The vote of thanks was delivered by Shri Pankaj Debnath, Member of the National Parliament of Bangladesh. He asserted that we can grow hand in hand with greater connectivity, sharing of knowledge and expertise, and by establishing diplomatic ties.

This was followed by a short cultural programme wherein performers from both India and Bangladesh put up splendid performances.

DAY 2: First Working Session

Changing World Order and

Bangladesh India Relationship

Dr. Sreeradha Dutta shed light on India’s bilateral relations and growing political willingness to strengthen them. The land-boundary agreement particularly settled the raw nerves. What Bangladesh has done for terrorism in India is far beyond what we had dreamt of.  There have been debates relating to the Rampal Project, environmental issues between the two countries.

The second speaker Manzarul Islam drew upon the hatred, xenophobia, islamophobia being spilled by political leaders. He reflected on how important it is to realise meaning in times of chaos. Energy as well as poverty and maritime security concerns are major issues in Bangladesh. People have largely put it across that they would never prefer any development at the cost of environment.

Prof. Nani Gopal Mahanta put across the burning issues that loom large between the two countries: cross-border terrorism, boundary dispute, illegal border trade, illegal trespassing. Prof. Mahanta recounted  the deep roots of culture, history between the two countries.

Journalist Mr. Manjurul Ahson Bulbul expressed how courageous PM Hasina has turned out to be, how she would go to any extent, as long as it concerns the betterment and development of Bangladesh.

Viewing recent relations being affected by internal issues, Capt. Alok Bansal expressed his concern that China’s intrusion may affect India- Bangladesh relations. On terrorist activities going beyond national boundaries, he said “Every fundamentalist is a potential terrorist.” More numbers of youth joining the IS is a narrative which demands a counter narrative for resistance.

Second Working Session

Drivers of Mutual Prosperity

The second working session had as its focus area – “Drivers of Mutual Prosperity”. Chaired by Ms. Veena Sikri, Former High Commissioner of India in Bangladesh, it sought to focus on issues at the micro and localised levels.  Dr. Ainun Nishat of BRAC University Dhaka and Maj. Gen. Dhruv C. Katoch, Director of India Foundation were the lead speakers. The discussants included Prof. Dr. Quazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmed of Dhaka University, Sh. Sabyasachi Dutta, Director of Asian Confluencem, Adv. Mahbub Ali, Member of Parliament, Bangladesh  and  Dr. Sreeradha Dutta, Director of MAKAIS.

Dr. Ainun Nishat emphasised on the need to introduce joint ventures for enhancing navigational connectivity, water management and hydro-electricity generation. He also asserted that transparency in all government decisions will help build trust and acceptance among people of both the nations.

Maj. Gen. Dhruv C. Katoch focussed on energy-security, cross-border security and the need to build positive narratives and goodwill between the two nations. He said that to combat the various threats disrupting Indo-Bangladesh relations, the defence forces, intelligence agencies and the governments of both the countries should co-operate and act jointly.

Prof. Dr. Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmed talked of the ways in which making optimum use of the waterways will open up scopes for earning livelihood for the locals of both the nations.  He talked about joint river and basin management and the need to adhere to global standards for arriving at conclusions regarding water sharing in the Teesta river.

Shri Sabyasacchi Dutta highlighted the role of tourism in bringing about growth and prosperity between the two nations. Tourism, he said, will not only bring in revenues but will also generate means of livelihood for the locals of the region and integrate the region. Adv. Mahbub Ali underlined the need to explore new avenues in natural and mineral resources. The easy access of Indian VISA by people of Bangaldesh was also urged upon by Ali.

Dr. Sreeradha Dutta foregrounded the illlegal activities that happen in the transwater boundaries, and the need to come up with effective mechanisms to counter this. She emphasised on developing border-haats so that trade can be carried out legally. She also stressed upon the need for education in the border-area, and the need for combating cattle-smuggling and human trafficking.

Third Working Session

Boosting Connectivity

The third session was focussed on boosting connectivity between the two nations. Shri Pinak Chakrabarty stated that connectivity and security will broadly ensure the development of the North Eastern regions as well as Bangladesh. There should be joint effort to tackle cyber crimes, to explore untapped marine resources and to beat down climatic hazards by focussing on renewable energy.

Dr Moazzem spoke on the economic benefits accrued from the sea ports. He reflected on regional and sub regional projects not getting adequate priority by Indian government. Mr. Shri Kauser Hilaly had spoken about the immense tourism  possibilities in Assam targeting the average Bangladeshi tourists.

Dr. Ainun Nishat, another discussant, talked about how navigation can foster connectivity issues, however, the expenses incurred needs to be addressed. It is feasible only when it is a profitable business. Tarrifs imposed on Bangladeshi goods should be attractive for better transaction so that both nations are benefitted. One can not ignore the financial dimension in regards to railway connectivity.

Ms. Shubhrashtha said that transit routes through Bangladesh can minimise a lot of cost in terms of transportation. Ironically, after decades of independence this type of connectivity is still new. Stressing on the need to solve security and development issues simultaneously because they are not antagonistic in nature, she also shed light on the linking of textile and fabric industries of Bangladesh and North East. She articulated that connectivity between the two nations should be taken with renewed focus.

The next speaker Dr. Delwar Hossain spoke of connectivity as an instrument of development and also a discourse. He pinpointed how to integrate the whole South Asian region with connectivity.

DAY 3: Fourth Working Session

Mechanism for Sustenance of

Good Relationship

This session had “Designing Long-Term and Forward Looking Mechanisms for Sustenance of Good Relationships” as its focus.

Dr. Qazi Kholiquzzaman Ahmed urged multinational companies of India  to also target Bangladesh for their investments. This, he said, will boost the economy and generate employment. He also focussed on the responsibility of Internal Security Forces in combating transborder smuggling.

Shri Tarun Vijay talked about the concept of ‘Ashta Padma’ – the eight milestones that will bind people of both nations.  He also talked about how a brave and secular spirit will help the sustenance of good relationships. Vijay discussed how a prosperous future can be shared by both nations through developing education, connectivity, healthcare  and the security forces.

Dr. K.K. Dwivedi  narrated how investments and turnovers have seen a boost over the past year and how the export-import trade between both the nations have helped both economies to grow. He also talked about the need for developing dredging mechanisms, transit facilities and business opportunities.

Shri Moazzam Ali talked of the need to develop knowledge based societies and people-to-people  relationships. He also stressed upon developing borderline economic zones.

Shri R.P. Sharma focussed on the importance of border management, good transport and communication system  and the inclusion of students in shaping amicable Indo-Bangladesh relations.

Shri Shishir Shil talked about the need to include the history of 1971 War for Liberation and India’s contribution in it in the academic syllabi of both countries. This, he said, will help build goodwill. He focussed on the need to build a Joint Education Task Force.

Shri Binod Bawri said that for long-term and forward looking mechanisms for sustenance of good relationships, we need to bring about increase in trade and commerce, travel, tourism and technology.

Valedictory Session

The Valedictory Session was chaired by His Excellency Shri Tathagata Roy, Honourable Governor, State of Tripura. The keynote address was delivered by Shri Shahriar Alam, Hon’ble State Minister for Foreign Affairs, Government of Bangladesh, who shared his wonderful experience during the last two days in the city of Guwahati before the august audience. He spoke on how the different issues like Changing World Order and Bangladesh India Relationship, Drivers of Mutual Prosperity, Boosting Connectivity, Designing Long Term and Forward looking mechanisms for sustenance of good relationship occupied the esteemed speakers and discussants. He said that there is  no doubt in the fact that India Bangladesh ties are not only long-lasting and time-tested, but there is also a huge possibility of increasing people-to-people contact between the two nations. Though India Bangladesh friendship ties under the dynamic leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina are at an all time high, he stressed the need to remove the different irritants like terrorism and poverty plaguing the two nations. He reminded everyone how the triangle comprising Bangladesh, Nepal, Bhutan and North East fall under the poorest regions of the world that can be overcome with shared resources, expertise and boosting connectivity through regional and continental highways, rail networks, seaports and coastal shipping. Further he added that there is a huge aspiration for peace and collective prosperity and the partnership between India and Bangladesh based on trust and sovereignty can set a benchmark for the rest of the world to emulate.

Shri Ram Madhav, National General Secretary, BJP and Director, India Foundation elucidated the noble vision of Prime Minister Modi “Sabka Saath, Sabka Vikas” where the latter considers Bangladesh as a true partner in the development of the East. He articulated that the cow is sacred to the Indians but life is more sacred to them and he condemns the lynching of people by the so called cow savers. He expressed the hope that just like the people of India expect to see Narendra Modi for many many years after 2019 rendering his service to the nation, the people of Bangladesh too would like to see Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina for many many years in the service of the nation. He dwelt at length how Sheikh Mujibur Rahman envisioned Bangladesh as a secular nation state and his efficient daughter Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina is carrying out his dream in the best possible manner. While referring to the issue of illegal movement of cattle across the border from India to Bangladesh, he stressed the need to devise means to check such activities. He also referred to issues of religion and religious fundamentalism that the two neighbouring nations are to deal with a strong hand. He reflected that though India and Bangladesh have reached common ground so far as combating terrorism and trade and commerce are concerned, but issues like water sharing need to be dealt with. He assured that government of India is committed to fulfil the assurances given by previous governments. Acknowledging the fact that both nations face certain external and internal challenges, he hoped that it shouldn’t deter the two nations to deviate from their cherished values like democracy, secularism and love for peace while confronting challenges like terrorism and religious fundamentalism that will ensure the two neighbours to move forward together. He hoped that under the leadership of Prime Minister Modi and Prime Minister Hasina, the two nations will scale new heights of progress in the field of education, health and commerce and further consolidate their bilateral ties.

In the valedictory address by Shri Himanta Biswa Sarmah, Minister of Finance, Government of Assam, the august gathering was reminded of the different issues discussed in the dialogue process and expressed his gratitude at organising the event in the city of Guwahati. He said that he would be failing in his duty if he doesn’t mention how the people of Assam feel about the problem of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh. He further added that with the completion of National Register of Citizens, those illegal immigrants would be identified and the issue will be taken up by the Government of India, with the Government of Bangladesh for an amiable solution. He expressed his gratitude towards Hasina Government for uprooting the bases of different insurgent groups like ULFA and thus contributing to peace and tranquillity of the North Eastern states. The Minister said that the north-eastern states and Bangladesh can join hands to create world class institutions and facilities in the areas of education and health care. He further added that transit of goods to the Northeast from other parts of India through Bangladesh can benefit Dhaka not only by means of earning transit fee but it will also improve the service sector in Bangladesh. It will also serve the cause of Northeast as it will cut down the expenses of transportation.

In his enlightening Presidential remarks, Shri Tathagata Roy, Honorable Governor, State of Tripura, remarked that Bangladesh is one nation that was created on the bedrock of its linguistic identity. He spoke at length how Bangladesh and India not only share the same culture, values and civilisation but even the National Anthem of the two nations were composed by the same literary genius which is not a small deal. He recollected one of the highly attended assemblies in the Brigade Parade Ground, Kolkata in the year 1972 where Sheikh Mujibur Rahman made his historic speech where he envisioned Bangladesh as a secular country where people of all religions can freely practice their religious beliefs. He regretted how religious fundamentalism and extremism tried to mar his dream by demolition of Hindu temples and offering resistance to celebration of Hindu festivals though under the leadership of Rahman’s daughter Sheikh Hasina the minorities are now feeling safe and their interests protected.

He expressed his personal opinion that as per international law all lower riparian states are entitled to have their share of water and India cannot deny water to Bangladesh. He was very vocal in the expression of his opinion that if India feels that sharing of water will lead to shortage of water in India, then even the shortage can be shared. He stressed upon the need of sharing water not only of Teesta but also of other rivers that flow to Bangladesh. He expressed his fears that if China constructs dams in the Siang river, it will not only be detrimental to India, but it will also affect Bangladesh.

He spoke on the relationship between Kazi Nazrul Islam and Shyama Prasad Mookherjee which forms the bedrock to understand the relationship between India and Bangladesh. Recounting episodes of genocide by Pakistani Army, he stressed on the need to keep the fundamentalist forces at bay. In his enriching speech, he tried to map the different rivers that flow from India to Bangladesh and deliberated how the two nations can benefit through water sharing and ensuring better connectivity. He discussed at length the literary works of different writers like Syed Mujtaba Ali who knew fifteen languages to Kazi Nazrul Islam. He acknowledged that the government of Bangladesh has done more than India can expect to ensure that the country is not used as a sanctuary by militant outfits like ULFA as such insurgent groups have been hounded out from Bangladesh; however some Bangladeshi extremists have found sanctuary in India. He also urged that granting of medical visas to Bangladeshi nationals should be done on an urgent basis to ensure better friendship ties.

(This report is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India Foundation Dialogue on The Future of India-UK Relations – British Elections, Brexit & Beyond

India Foundation organised the 38th India Foundation Dialogue on 4th July, 2017 at India Habitat Centre, New Delhi. The session was themed ‘The Future of India-UK Relations – British Elections, Brexit & Beyond’. The dialogue was a panel discussion with Lord Jitesh Gadhia, Shri Ranjan Mathai, Shri Asoke Mukerji and Shri Ashok Malik and was chaired by Shri Jayant Sinha, Minister of State for Civil Aviation, Government of India and witnessed an audience of more than fifty people.

“There comes a tide in the affairs of men, which taken at the flood, leads on to fortune. On such a full sea are we now afloat and we must take the current while it serves, or lose our ventures. That is the opportunity that confronts us today when we talk of India and UK,” said Shri Jayant Sinha in his opening address. He said that it was extraordinary that India and UK, though furthest apart geographically, are closest culturally. He stated that India can forge a partnership with UK in multiple sectors that can be quite defining globally, particularly focusing on finance, technology, science and innovation, and mass services. “In finance”, he said, “we have moved forward in interesting ways, an example being masala bonds, used to finance large aspects of infrastructure and other industries, which was initially thought to be very difficult to implement in India.” These masala bonds are important for India since we need debt financing, and they also strengthen London’s position by working with an emerging country. Talking about science, technology and innovation, he said that UK has a cutting edge in technology, with fast development in even Artificial Intelligence. And because of our large IT and BPO sectors, we need that kind of expertise. As UK looks for areas where it can invest and develop other than in the European Union, science, technology and innovation becomes another area for us to really start forth some unique bonds. Coming to mass services, he said that by taking software and AI expertise, we can make mass services like financial inclusion, mass entertainment much more affordable, cheaper and effective. So, expertise coming through UK and being applied in India is the basis on which we (India) can become an entrepreneurial engine for next 60 billion people.

Shri Ranjan Mathai suggested that what we need to do is to take those elements that make a winning partnership and build on them, economic opportunities being the first of them. He said that London is able to mediate, absorb funds from all around the world and then direct them to places where serious analysts can utilise them. He then addressed the issues of national security, terrorism and cyber security. He also said that today we are in an age of populism, nationalism where ideologies differ. But the fact that both the nations are democracies matter a great deal. In conclusion, he said that UK is a country that has changed the most in changing its perceptions towards immigrants but now it has reached a point beyond which it cannot go on indefinitely and we need to respect that and learn to manage our demands from UK. On Britain’s side, they must ensure that Indian people are not discriminated in any way there.

Lord Jitesh Gadhia began by thanking India for its continued friendship with UK and being a source of fresh thinking and ideas to be discussed. On the financial front, he agreed with other speakers regarding the win-win partnership. The question that according to him needs to be paid attention to is, ‘What will happen to London after Brexit? Will it retain its pre-eminent position?’ He further explained that London has 250 foreign banks operating, more than at any other centre. These banks account for 40% of world’s foreign transactions. “There is no room for complacency and there is some serious architecture to be developed around London’s position.”

Shri Asoke Mukerji said that the first reality that we have to understand is that global multilateral system, which was created by UK, USA, Soviet Union, China, and France in 1945 is not going away. Irrespective of a soft or a hard Brexit, UK has a weight as a permanent member of the United Nations Security Council. For winning the partnership with UK, he focused on four political areas. The first being the use of diplomacy for peace, which he believed can be done by giving an opportunity to a country like India- an Asian country that has never been given such an opportunity since the end of the Cold War. The second area was to make UN peace-keeping more effective as there can be no development without peace. The third was to make India a permanent member of UNSC so that India can also be a decision-maker. The last area was countering terrorism, which is the single biggest challenge to international security. He concluded with the issue of technology, saying that in UN, India has been among the few nations from developing countries to call focus for innovation, incubation and transfer of technology for development. “Focus on technology will play an important role in multilateral aspect of a win-win partnership,” he said.

In his address, Mr. Ashok Malik said that when Britain looks at India today, it needs to understand where it stands in India’s foreign policy because this is a newer, more pragmatic, more transactional India. But, according to him, Britain has, at this point, sent conflicting signals. There are two Britains – one which says that this is a moment for Britain to make the best of its partnership with India for both sides, and the other one which is talking about becoming European Singapore. He said that India is clear on which one it wants to talk to, but Britain needs to take a decision. “The potential for an India-UK economic relationship is actually agnostic to any friendship. There is a natural synergy between Britain’s technology and Make in India, between India’s modernisation and British innovation.” He also mentioned two challenges – market access and agreement on details of international security – in the India UK partnership.

(This report is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Fudan-India Foundation 4th Annual Bilateral Dialogue at Shanghai

India Foundation Delegation undertook an academic visit to China from 11th to 16th July, 2017 as a part of the 4th round of Fudan University – India Foundation Dialogue on the theme “India-China Relations in Transition”. Capt Alok Bansal, Director, India Foundation led the India Foundation delegation while Prof Zhang Jiadong, Director for South Asian Studies, Fudan University led the Chinese side. At Kunming, Prof. Zhu Cuiping of Research Institute of Indian Ocean Economies at Yunnan University of Finance &Economics steered the deliberations. The other members of the India Foundation Delegation were Shri Shakti Sinha, Director, Nehru Memorial Museum & Library, New Delhi; Shri P. Stobdan, Senior Fellow, IDSA & former ambassador; Shri Prafulla Ketkar, Editor, Organiser; Prof. Nani Mahanta, Gauhati University; Dr. Shristi Pukhrem Senior Research Fellow, India Foundation and Siddharth Singh, Research Fellow, India Foundation.

During the visit, India Foundation delegation interacted with academics & scholars of Fudan University. The interaction witnessed scholarly and candid exchange of views from both sides on critical issues such as Sino-India relations in the changing international system, cooperation & competition between India and China in South Asia & Southeast Asia, Sino-India cooperation in multilateral forums, Doklam stand-off and prospective solutions to the way forward for relations between two countries.

Inaugural Session

Prof. Zhang Jiadong, Director of Center for South Asian Studies, IIS, Fudan University, chaired the inaugural session and welcomed all the delegates. In his inaugural address Professor Wu Xinbo, Executive Dean of Institute of International Studies, Fudan University highlighted three issues which are important for China in 2017- a) 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China, b) Belt & Road Initiative of China, c) Innovation, Green Development & Progress. Prof. Wu Xinbo also suggested that “to better manage disputes and differences, it is now imperative to build trust between Beijing and New Delhi. The foreign policy and strategic circles of the two countries need to maintain dialogues and communications on a regular basis. Equally important, people-to-people exchanges are indispensable to consolidate better understanding of the will of the people of the two countries.”

Capt. Alok Bansal, Director, India Foundation, in his Special Address emphasised the importance of furthering bilateral relations and consolidating the developmental partnership, which was established during the visit of Chinese President Mr. Xi Jinping to India in September 2014 and subsequently during the visit of Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi to China in May 2015. He also highlighted the cooperation between India and China in various multilateral frameworks like AIIB, G-20 and BRICS. On the Doklam stand-off, Capt. Bansal put across the Indian point of view and the apprehensions on the issue in unambiguous terms. He also highlighted that it is essential for all concerned parties to display utmost restraint and abide by their respective bilateral understandings and not to change the status quo unilaterally. Capt. Bansal also raised the issue of terrorism and said that India and China cannot afford to have differences on terrorism. He raised the need to designate Jaish-e-Mohammad Chief Masood Azhar as a terrorist at the U.N. on which all other countries except China and Pakistan have agreed.

The Keynote address was delivered by Major General ZHU Chenghu (Retd). His address mainly focused on recent Doklam stand-off between India and China on the border. He alleged that “the Indian border troops crossed the China-India boundary at the Sikkim section and entered the Chinese territory and had obstructed Chinese border troops’ activities in Doklam. Maj Gen Zhu refereed to the treaty of 1890 in which the Sikkim section of the China-India boundary was defined by the Convention between Great Britain and China relating to Sikkim and Tibet. In his final remarks, Major Gen Zhu suggested that Indian side should follow the boundary convention as per treaty of 1890, respect the China’s territorial sovereignty and thus Indian troops should immediately withdraw from the disputed border to safeguard peace and tranquillity.

Session-I

This session focussed on “Sino-India Relations in the changing International System”. Capt. Alok Bansal started the deliberation by talking about the setback to the globalisation. To him, the difference that exists today between India and China is a dispute. In the larger context, there are two biggest threats to both the countries and the world – climate change and terrorism. With regard to terrorism, it is the threat from non-state actors. For every act of terrorism there is a theological narrative. In the light of this, India and China should evolve a common strategy to counter this threat.

Shri Shakti Sinha said that tranquillity along the India-China border was an important prerequisite for a peaceful relationship with China against the backdrop of a tense military standoff between countries on the Doklam plateau in the Sikkim sector. He highlighted that Beijing’s external aggression is also an outcome of its increasingly nationalistic domestic politics under President Xi, who is heading into an important Party Congress in November. Shri Sinha underlined that so far India has been mature in its approach to the stand-off, providing no provocation to the Chinese by any military movement or through its official statements. He said that the dispute in Doklam area is not a new phenomenon. He emphasised that China’s road construction in Doklam is a deliberate move to trigger a response from Bhutan and from India. Through its actions, China seeks to impose its own definition of the tri-junction point of the boundary between Bhutan, China and India (Sikkim). The move has serious security ramifications for both Bhutan and India’s defence interests.

Prof. LONG Xingchun flagged the importance of issues related to the Indian Ocean. He also mentioned about the current border disputes (Doklam incident) and condemned it.  Prof. Xingchun especially pointed out the statement given by the Indian defense minister who said that the response from the Indian side will no longer be similar to that of 1962 conflict.

Amb. P. Stobdan took off the discussion by talking about how the world is changing since the last six to seven months. He specifically mentioned regarding how the European Union (EU) taking a confrontationist line with the United States (US). According to him, climate change and international trade have become two of the most important features of the international system. Further, the situation in the Middle East cannot be ignored. On India-China relations, he said that the changes have come because of structural differences. The foundation of India-China relations is missing today. In order to strengthen the ties, there is a need to build relations on strategic trust. Citing the examples of Bollywood movies, namely 3 Idiots and Dangal which are very popular in China, he said cinema could be used as a medium to develop further ties between the two countries. Talking on the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), India is an infrastructure investment part of the AIIB. He said BRI should respect the territorial integrity of India. Responding to the Chinese delegation’s concerns, Amb. Stobdan clarified that India-US relations should not be considered as a constraining factor in India-china ties. He summed up by expressing India’s firm stand to continue maintaining the status quo with regard to the Doklam incident.

In his remarks, Prof. Guo Xuetang said that the current stalemate between India and china is a period of trust deficit. He also talked about PM Narendra Modi’s foreign policy, and the importance the Indian government gives to neighbourhood policy and “extended neighbourhood”. Alongside this, PM Modi’s economic policy and efforts to improve living standard was highlighted by the speaker. Dr. Huang Yinghong pointed out the weakness in India-China economic and cultural relations. These two factors remain too weak to improve the overall ties. However, he did not rule out the potentials and benefits of economic cooperation. He concluded by saying that both countries should maintain the strategic and security compatibilities which are necessary.

Prof. Hu Zhiyong talked about cooperation and confrontation between India and China in Southeast Asia. He also mentioned about how Southeast China connects India and the Pacific. On political arena, he spoke of India’s role in the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), and also the emphasis given by New Delhi on Act East Policy. The differences in trade ties between India and ASEAN and China and a few of the ASEAN countries were also highlighted by him. Lack of connectivity between India and ASEAN, according to the speaker, is the biggest obstacle. India’s increasing role in the South China Sea has been considered by him as a factor for the competition between India and China in this region. In concluding remarks, he identified areas of cooperation between India, China and ASEAN: 1) Build mutual political trust, 2) Increase more contacts, 3) Develop the triangular friendly partners among China, India and the ASEAN countries, and, 4) Close the gaps between these countries.

Section-II

This session was devoted to “Cooperation and Competition between China and India in South Asia and Southeast Asia”. The following was discussed:

l  The internal or the domestic factors should not be ignored while discussing India-China bilateral relations.

l  Strategic differences should be managed.

l  Relations should not only be looked from the prisms of geopolitics or geo-economics but also from the geo-civilisational paradigm.

l  There is a requirement that the Asian parameter (India and China) should not be studied only on ideological terms but from the strategic perspectives of both Confucianism and Hinduism.

Both sides of the delegation discussed how to cooperate more and compete less. There was also a view that ASEAN could be a common platform where India and China could cooperate. Notwithstanding the significant role China is already playing with some of the ASEAN countries, India should also strive further to engage more constructively with these countries, in line with the present Indian government’s Act East Policy. The concept of Indo-Pacific was adequately discussed and some even highlighted the role of India and China as prominent players. In this regard, their cooperation and competition in the Indo-Pacific region were flagged.

Session-III

In this session the conference discussed “CPEC and Sino-India relations”. Indian delegates made it clear to Chinese side that connectivity projects must be pursued in a manner that respects sovereignty and territorial integrity. Since China as a country is very sensitive to its own sovereignty, it must also show the same sensitivity when it comes to India. Indian delegates also made it clear that “Connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognised international norms, rule of law, openness, transparency and equality. Connectivity initiatives must follow principles of financial responsibility to avoid projects that would create unsustainable debt burden for communities; balanced ecological and environmental protection and preservation standards; transparent assessment of project costs; and skill and technology transfer to help long term running and maintenance of the assets created by local communities. Any connectivity projects in the territory which is constitutionally a part of India and not part of Pakistan must be pursued in a manner that respects sovereignty and territorial integrity of India.”

Shri Shakti Sinha, in  his presentation, mentioned that China’s aggressive pushing of its One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, particularly in the countries in India’s neighbourhood has created substantial disquiet as it has domestic (as in host country) political implications. The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) would pass over territory that is legitimately India’s but in unlawful occupation of Pakistan; a departure from China’s stand at multilateral financial institutions where it objects to any project in any territory over which it lays claim.

Session-IV

This session focussed on “Sino-India Cooperation in International Multilateral Arena”. The discussion was embedded in optimism about the broad changes in the international relations paradigm, but a cautious optimism that took into account the various aberrations that stand in the way of global security and stability. Ultimately, as was noted, geopolitical rivalries have existed for over a long period of time in the world politics and will continue, but what is at stake is how countries like India and China adjust the relativities in the changing global order and agreed that the international situation is in flux and both India and China have been beneficiaries of a stable and open international system and at this time probably one thing that both countries could do together was a more stable, substantive, forward looking India-China relationship which would inject a greater amount of predictability into the international system. Indian delegates highlighted that future progress in strategic cooperation between China and India in the changing international order in the next decade or beyond will be determined by the will, and more importantly, concerted efforts of the two countries. Indian leadership is devoted to developing healthy and stable China-India relations on the basis of equality and mutual benefit, enriching strategic cooperation and expanding the convergence of interests. Such commitment is required from both sides if the two countries are to avoid the tragedy of the rise of other major powers, break the shackles of geopolitical calculation and jointly shape a future of mutual benefit and common prosperity.

The delegation of India Foundation also visited Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences in Shanghai and Research Institute of Indian Ocean Economies at Yunnan University of Finance & Economics in Kunming. At both the places, during the discussions, delegates from both sides discussed a wide canvass of issues affecting India and China relations including the ongoing border standoff in Doklam area. The Chinese delegates raised the current issue of Doklam stand-off in their presentation. The Indian delegates put across the Indian point of view and the apprehensions on the issue on our side.

Apart from the Doklam stand-off, discussions were mainly held on the issues of India-China relations in the changing international system, cooperation and competition between China and India in South Asia & Southeast Asia, the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor and India-China cooperation in international multilateral arena. The discussions were held in an amicable atmosphere and the delegation put across points related to the politico, economic, cultural and security aspects pertaining to India-China relations. Both India and China have a long civilisational legacy and no third actor should determine the bilateral ties, was the general sentiment on both the sides. The need to address and respect each other concerns both on sovereignty and maritime front was also underscored. Both sides expressed their desire of bettering ties between the two countries because improved relations between two countries are in the interest of both India and China and of the global community.

(This report is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Young Thinkers Meet 2017

Young Thinkers Meet is a flagship India Foundation event. It is a two day conclave of young intellectuals who brainstorm over various issues of national significance. The 6th Young Thinkers Meet (YTM) was organised by India Foundation on 30-31 July 2017 in Vadodara, Gujarat. The meet, themed ‘India 2047’, was well attended by dignitaries and over 70 young intellectuals from diverse educational and cultural backgrounds. Varied themes were covered during the course of the meet.

Shri Swapan Dasgupta, Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha) and Shri Ram Madhav, National General Secretary, BJP and Director, India Foundation, welcomed the participants in the inaugural session. Shri Ram Madhav explained the purpose of the meet. He said purpose of YTM is to define an innovative, developed India, an India we perceive in 2047 and roadmaps for building that India. Shri Swapan Dasgupta remarked that in India, we used to worship knowledge. In the west, they worshipped power. But knowledge combined with power becomes an undefeatable force. We have to break out for a ‘New India’ and continue the process of unlearning and relearning.

Inaugural session was followed by a session on ‘Financial Empowerment and Economy in Transformed India’. Shri Shaurya Doval, Director, India Foundation & Shri Saket Misra, CEO, Venus Asset Finance led this session. Issues related to the trend of rising population, financial inclusion, financial independence, job opportunities, questioning and re-defining ‘work’ etc. were discussed in this session. The speakers mentioned that the key to progress are the three Ds – Demography, Digitisation and Dynamism. Speakers mentioned that there is a need for creating a cooperation economy through ‘sarvodaya’ and ‘antyodaya’.

Shri Shakti Sinha, Director, Nehru Memorial Museum and Library led the session on ‘Public Institutions in Transformed India’. He described the state and nature of Public Institutions in India and stressed the need for critical thinking in Public Institutions. He talked of decentralisation and strengthening local governance. This was followed by a session on ‘Transforming Democracy in India’, led by Shri Ram Madhav. He said that the best way to ensure transparency is to disincentivise electoral politics.

Other sessions during the meet were on ‘Role of RSS and other social movements in Transformed India’ and ‘Education and Dharma in Transformed India’. These were led by Swamini Vimalananda, Acharya, Chinmaya Mission and Shri CR Mukunda, Sah-Baudhik Pramukh, RSS. Shri CR Mukunda threw light on the role and objectives of RSS in transformed India and the challenges it faces. He shared some of the RSS objectives and initiatives like Samaj Parivarthan (transformation of society), Vyavasta Parivarthan (transformation of system), Sajjan Shakthi Jagaran (awakening of the good) etc. Swamini Vimalananda began her session by stressing on the need to question. She said to transform we have to break out of the American’s old lifestyle that we are today living. We need to come out with our own Unique Selling Point (USP). She described learning by way of tuition and intuition. Swamini said Indian way has respected both the ways equally and laid stress on value education.

The Young Thinkers Meet saw two new initiatives this year – one panel discussion and the other Mock Parliament. The discussion on ‘Media in Transformed India’ saw participation of Prafulla Ketkar, Editor, Organiser; Kushan Mitra, Managing Editor, The Pioneer; Prashant Jha, Associate Editor, Hindustan Times; Rumu Banerjee, Assistant Editor at Bennett Coleman and Co. Ltd. and Smriti Kak, Journalist, Hindustan Times and the Mock Parliament saw participants discussing issue of ‘Beef Ban’ and ‘Demone-tisation’.

Participants at the Young Thinkers Meet made presentations around the theme ‘India 2047’, shared their initiatives, participated in the ‘India Quiz’ and discussed interesting books.

The valedictory session was presided over by Shri Ram Madhav and Shri CR Mukunda. Shri CR Mukunda said that transformation is not possible without thinking of the last (wo)man standing. He encouraged participants to work at the grassroots. Shri Ram Madhav, asked participants to be confident in one’s thought. He reminded all delegates that it was important to co-opt rather than confront those who might disagree with us. He urged delegates to be ‘respectful’, be ‘magnificent’ but at the same time have the ‘killer instinct’ and win the argument.

(This report is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India-ASEAN Youth Summit 2017

“India and ASEAN countries have a long history of cultural, social and

economic interaction”- Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Former Prime Minister of India

The year 2017 holds a great significance to India as well as to the ASEAN member countries. It marks the 50th year of the formation of ASEAN and 25 years of  Dialogue Partnership between India and ASEAN countries. India-ASEAN member countries have strengthened their bond since they have committed themselves to jointly contribute to the promotion of peace, stability and development in the Asia- Pacific region and have responded positively and mutually to global issues and challenges of dynamic regional and international environment. Another aspect of the relationship is the involvement of Youth in bringing mutual peace and stability in the India-ASEAN region.

To highlight the important role youth play in building this relationship, the first India-ASEAN Youth Summit was organised in Bhopal, Madhya Pradesh by India Foundation in association with Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India and Government of Madhya Pradesh. Youth Delegates from India and the ten ASEAN countries participated in the Youth Summit which comprised many panel and parallel discussions that addressed a wide range of topics. Speakers from all segments gave their valuable inputs to the gathering comprising of young delegates from India and ASEAN countries.

Day 1: August 14, 2017:
Inaugural Session

The Inaugural session was chaired by Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan, Chief Minister of Madhya Pradesh. The Chief Guest for the Inaugural session was Gen V. K Singh,  Minister of State for External Affairs, Government of India and the Guest of Honour was Ms Preeti Saran, Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.

While addressing the gathering, Ms Preeti Saran, introduced the theme “Shared Values Common Destiny” to the gathering and also stated the importance of having a stable relationship in the India-ASEAN region.

Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan stressed on a wide range of aspects involving youth as active participators in building strong and stable relationships among the nations. He stated, “India and ASEAN societies were developed way before the societies of the developed nations developed. Hence our (India-ASEAN) relations have been in existence since time immemorial.”

Gen. V. K. Singh spoke of the importance of mutual understanding amongst India- ASEAN nations. He said, “We share values and culture since immemorial times and days are coming when demographic difference will prove to enhance our relationship.” He also said, “Youth are the elders for tomorrow, summits and exchanges like this will not only strengthen the ties but will also provide a platform for the cross-cultural exchange of ideas amongst the youth.”

Day 2: August 15, 2017

The second day proceedings started with a visit to Manav Sangrahalay. This was followed by a session on India-ASEAN Relations. Ms Preeti Saran, in her keynote address stressed on the recent developments in the relationship between India and ASEAN nations which not only involve improving the connectivity but also about India’s attempt to provide financial and technical support to ASEAN. She quoted the role of the youth brigade in strengthening the ties. She also stated that commerce and cultural connectivity has been the hallmark of our relationship and together, we are a perfect example of pluralism in diversity.

Three ASEAN member countries, namely Brunei Darussalam, Cambodia and Indonesia gave their country presentations, in which the polity, culture and tradition of their respective countries and India’s relationship with them was highlighted. Parallel discussions took place on four themes: Innovation and Entrepreneurship, Digital and IT connectivity, UN SDGs and Polity and Governance. The sessions were conducted in small groups, and focussed on active participation by the youth, to enlist their views and to facilitate an exchange of ideas.

In the discussion on Polity and Governance, Shri Ram Madhav stated, “We should think beyond democracy, our commitment should be for peace and pluralism and welfare of the last person should be addressed first.”  The panel discussion on  India-ASEAN connectivity was addressed by Dr. Lam Thanh Hah, Senior Lecturer, Faculty of International Economic, Diplomatic Academy of Vietnam; Dr. Vidya Natampally, former Senior Director of Strategy, Microsoft Research India; Dr. Shristi Pukhrem, Senior Research Fellow, India Foundation; and Dr. U. Thein Lwin, Deputy Director General, Dept of Archaeology and National Museum, Myanmar. Dr. Shristi Pukhrem said, “We should join hands to promote connectivity between India and ASEAN since it is very important for cultural and civilisational development.” After the conclusion of the day long discussion on various issues, the delegates took part in the ASEAN food festival, where exchange of views took place in an informal environment.

Day 3: August 16, 2017

The 3rd day of India-ASEAN Youth Summit kicked off with visits to Van Vihar and Bhopal Lake.  This was followed by three country presentations, namely Lao PDR, Malaysia and Myanmar. Thereafter, a panel discussion on cultural and civilisational linkages in India-ASEAN region took place, chaired by Prof Sunaina Singh, Vice-Chancellor, Nalanda University. In this Panel Discussion, Dr Ram Niwas, Professor at State Pariyatti Sasana University, Myanmar stated, “Buddhism is the basis of cultural and civilisational linkages and it has also played a significant role in building India- Myanmar relationship.” He further added, “It is our common destiny to preserve our cultural and civilisational linkages of India-ASEAN countries since it is a bridge to our future relationship.” Cultural and civilisational linkages among countries have always been the basis for any kind of relationship and hence it becomes very important for us to have a comprehensive discussion on it. Shri Sanyal stressed that, “References of cultural and civilisational linkages of a south east region should be given more importance”. He further said that the then knowledge epicentre ‘Nalanda University’ was funded by Indonesian King, Sumatra. Adding to this, Anuradha Shankar, ADG, Administration PHQ, Madhya Pradesh said, “Cultural reality and political reality are not associated and it should not be associated. We have to look at South East Asia from South East Asia’s perspective. Everyone has a local and cultural history; resemblances remain, but still differences prevail.”

Parallels discussion on the four listed topics were led by Shaurya Doval, Dr Vidya Natampally, Dr Yasmin Ali Haque and Smt Archana Chitnis. The delegation then visited ‘Shaurya Smarak’ which is a war memorial situated in the heart of Bhopal. From there the delegation proceeded to dinner and cultural event hosted by Shri Shivraj Singh Chouhan, CM of Madhya Pradesh at his official residence. Ms Mithali Raj, Captain, Indian Women’s Cricket Team was a special guest for the evening. In her speech, she spoke of the role of women in building up a strong relationship amongst people to make a stable society. She stressed on the importance of youth and urged the youth delegates to work in such a way that they could bring about a positive change in the society

Day 4:  August 17, 2017

The day started with a discussion on ‘Youth Declaration’, where all the delegates had a comprehensive discussion with their respective country members on the draft declaration and some countries came up with their amendment suggestions. Thereafter, the delegates participated in Parallel Discussions, in which different group participated in different discussions. Thereafter, three countries, namely Philippines, Singapore and Thailand gave a presentation of their respective countries. The delegates from Philippines were dressed in their traditional attire that showcased their culture and tradition.

The country presentations were followed by an “Ambassador’s Panel Discussion” on Trade and Commerce. Trade and commerce are the backbones of any kind of bilateral relationship since the economies of all countries are inter-dependent. The speakers for this session were Ambassadors of Philippines, Singapore, Thailand and Myanmar. In this session, the Ambassadors presented their trade and commerce data with India. Ambassador of Philippines, H.E Ma.Teresita C. Daza asserted the importance of trade and commerce. She said, “India and Philippines are bonded with trade and commerce and this relationship dates back to the colonial era.” Ambassador of Myanmar, H.E U Maung Wai said, “India shares a long border with Myanmar which has the capacity to boost trade and commercial ties between both the countries.”

Day 5: August 18, 2017

The last interactive session of the summit was with Members of Parliament on Governance and Policy. This session was chaired by Shri Ram Madhav, Director India Foundation and National General Secretary of BJP. The panel comprised of three Members of Parliament from India, Shri Baijayant ‘Jay’ Panda, MP Lok Sabha (Odisha), Dr Subhash Chandra, MP, Rajya Sabha (Haryana) and Shri Conrad Sangma, MP, Lok Sabha (Meghalaya). During this interactive session, the speakers asserted the role of youth in politics as a pivotal part of any particular kind of system of government. Shri ‘Jay’ Panda said, “Political inheritance gives initial benefit only. Politics is brutal and family linkages have no long term advantage. A vision is required for the service of the Public”. Dr Chandra said, “People should not feel neglected since it is the source of any kind of problem.” He also said that politics should not start with a wrong mindset and that commitment and endless service to the people is one thing that a true politician should always remember. Conrad Sangma expressed the view that it is never too easy to shape the next step, but faith and ideology are something which will guide you to take the next step. He was of the view that it is very important to maintain a balance between men and women in politics.

Valedictory Session

The Valedictory session was chaired by Shri O. P. Kohli, Hon’ble Governor of Gujarat, with Additional Charge of Madhya Pradesh. Chief Guest for the session was Smt Sushma Swaraj, External Affairs Minister, Government of India. Ms Jayathma  Wickramanayake, United Nations Youth Envoy was the Guest of Honour.

Smt Sushma Swaraj said that Ramayana and Buddhism connect ASEAN to India. She spoke of bonds of love and not business and asserted the importance of youth as building each block of a nation. She said, “Youth must debate, discuss and actively participate in shaping discourse on polity, governance and sustainable development agendas”. The UN Youth Envoy said that young people need to learn the ways in which humans are able to interact with and adapt to technology and added that in this rapidly changing world, there is no better investment a country can make than in the capacities and potential of youth. Hon’ble Governor of Madhya Pradesh, in his valedictory address spoke of the active participation of youth in various nation building activities, both at national and international level. After this, the Youth Declaration was presented to Smt. Sushma Swaraj.

India-ASEAN Youth Summit not only provided a platform for the young people to have a discussion but also marked the initiation of a forum in which people can come up with views and ideas to address issues of the India-ASEAN region.

(This report is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India’s Cyber Security: Architecture and Imperatives

Rapid and unprecedented growth of Information and Communication Technologies (ICT) and media with its speedy and all-pervasive penetration has ushered in the digital age.  Not only has it brought the world together through globalisation, it has become the driver for economic growth. Technology and Information are the new normal of this digital transformation. This transition from an industrial to an information era has also ushered in a new security paradigm with new threats to both national and human security. With large scale automation, technology and connectivity, the developed nations are enjoying a much better quality of life. There exists a definite digital divide amongst the developed, developing and poor nations. This digital divide, coupled with the rising aspirations of the people accentuated by religious beliefs and cultural issues and technology denial have created serious security issues wherein new threats by way of cyber-crimes, cyber terrorism, cyber espionage and even cyber war have emerged making cyber security a strategic imperative at the national, regional and international levels.

Environmental Scan: India

While India has made considerable progress in the last decade or so towards the establishment of ICT infrastructure, enhancing the reach of the electronic media and extension of e-services in the finance, health and education sectors to ensure better governance, the development still remains differential. For example while India has the second largest number of Internet users in the world, it also has the second largest number of “Unconnected” population. The situation, however, is changing rapidly with the mobile telephone revolution which is under way and greater penetration of internet.

India’s drive towards digital economy coupled with national projects like Digital India, Smart Cities, National Broadband Network and so on are altering the digital landscape rapidly with direct impact on governance, transparency and accountability. While there is a definite requirement of greater penetration of ICT for development and better governance, this rapid change towards a digital environment has brought to fore the challenges of cyber security. A cyber insecure Digital India Initiative can turn from a strategic asset to an unaffordable liability and a direct threat to national security. India, needs safe navigation through cyberspace for its prosperity, national and human security. Hence, ensuring complete cyber security of our assets and National Information Infrastructure is both a national strategic imperative and an urgent national mission.

Threat Landscape

From leaking debit card details to influencing the US Presidential Election, cyber-attacks have become a significant part of our political and social discourse. Cyber threat exists 24/7 and manifests along the full spectrum starting from cybercrime to cyber espionage to cyber terrorism and cyber war.

Cyber crimes are a real threat today and are increasing very rapidly both in intensity and complexity with the spread of internet and smart phones. About eighty percent of cyber-attacks are related to cybercrimes. More importantly, cyber-crimes have changed the nature of conflict by blurring the line between state and non-state actors.

Cybercrimes are likely to increase exponentially with the fielding of virtual currency, Internet of Things, big data, cloud technology, drones, robotics, Blockchain and so on. Capabilities of hijacking a car, taking over the controls of an aircraft, cyber murder and remote injunction of viruses through drones and air crafts have already been demonstrated and in some cases, already inducted.

Dark net and Deep web are already being exploited for sale of vulnerabilities, weapons, recruitment of people in terrorist groups, drugs and so on.

Latest entrant to the long list of cyber-crimes is the installation of “Ransom Ware” to cripple a network or facility and demand ransom to restore the same. Recent ransomware attacks using Wanna Cry and Petya viruses have amply confirmed cyber as a “Weapon of Mass Disruption” with more than 300,000 computers affected across different sectors:  health, finance, transport, ports and so on in 150 countries! Another major cyber-attack on HBO is still awaiting resolution with hackers demanding 2.5 million in Bit Coins.

One of the biggest cyber-attack in 2016 was the hacking of Indian debit cards wherein as many as 32 lakh debit cards belonging to various Indian banks were compromised resulting in the loss of Rs. 1.3 crore in fraudulent transactions as per National Payments  Corporation of India (NPCI).

The Infamous hacker group “Legion Crew” made headlines in the sub-continent after hacking into the Twitter accounts and partial email dumps of prominent public figures such as politician Rahul Gandhi, businessman Vijay Mallya, and NDTV journalists Barkha Dutt and Ravish Kumar.

Cyber Espionage

Internet has become a very powerful source for intelligence collection in support of national, diplomatic, military, technology or economic objectives. It is estimated that more than 90 percent of “open source intelligence” is being obtained from the cyber world. It is economical and safe. Cyber espionage is also being used for technology theft and for launching probing missions on the critical infrastructure for possible exploitation later. The extent of threat can be gauged from the fact that Japan alone had 25.6 billion cyber-attacks in the year 2014 mostly for technology exfiltration. That is 900 cyber-attacks per second.  The fact that attack Vectors for cyber espionage and cyber war are the same makes cyber espionage a major threat in being. Recent alleged interference by Russia in the democratic elections in France and the USA add another dimension to the threat landscape and the cyber intelligence.

Cyber Terrorism:

Coincidence between the physical and virtual worlds, as demonstrated by the STUXNET attack on Iran’s nuclear facility at Natanz in 2010, has put complete information infrastructure at risk. Targeted attacks on a nation’s critical infrastructure like military installations, power plants, air traffic control, surface transport traffic control, telecommunication networks would be considered as part of cyber terrorism. These are low level, “short of war” attacks which would cripple part of a critical infrastructure or adversely affect the functioning of a business. These attacks are not large enough to warrant a military response but have the potential to inflict enough damage that numerous attacks over a long period of time could harm economy, complicating a policymaker’s calculus for determining an appropriate response.

Social Media

Social Media like Face Book, Twitter, and LinkedIn has emerged as powerful tool for perception management, social engineering, cyber-crimes and intelligence. It has also emerged as a major instrument of waging “Asymmetric Warfare” through exploitation of the aspirations of people, differential development, varying religious beliefs and cultural leanings.  These have also become attractive sources for recruitment and radicalisation by the terrorist organizations.

Nations across the world are putting legal frame work, infrastructure and human resource for monitoring this media to remain proactive. Major issue being privacy vs human/national security.

Cyber Warfare

It is universally acknowledged that the 21st century war will be highly “Cyber-centric” if not fully led by cyber theatre.  Glimpses of these have been given by the Russian assault on Estonia and Ukraine. While in Estonia, it was pure cyber intervention, in Ukraine, it was a combination of cyber and Kinetic attacks wherein the bits preceded the bullets. This operation is a land mark in Cyber Enabled Warfare. Nations across the world have pronounced their doctrines of cyber warfare, have raised organisations to conduct cyber warfare and are busy in the making and testing of cyber weapons. USA is reported to have used “logic bombs” in Afghanistan and Syria to effectively neutralise their communication networks.

The Indian Scene

India is very vulnerable to cyber interventions due to certain strategic deficiencies, inadequate appreciation of the threat and rather tardy and disjointed implementation of policies. India was one of the handful of nations to promulgate Information Technology Act in year 2000 as a legal policy document to deal with cyber interventions. The same was revised in 2008. Similarly, the National Policy on Electronics was issued in 2012 and the National Cyber Security Policy in 2013. Yet, till a few years ago, well co-ordinated and focused efforts towards cyber security were missing except for the establishment of Computer Emergency Response Team – India (CERT-IN) and similar organisations at the state level and the Indian Army.

India’s  cyber security chief Gulshan Rai told Parliament’s finance standing committee in July 2017, that cyber threats had evolved swiftly from viruses and “nuisance” attacks in the early 2000s to sophisticated malware and advanced denial of service, and could pose the risk of severely destructive attacks by 2020.

India will face increasingly sophisticated “destructive” cyber threats as compared to the “disruptive” attacks in the Indian cyberspace that are currently adding up to 200 million malware-related and 1,90,000 “unique” intrusions in any given week. The government — the Centre and states — is the main target of cyber-attacks, driven by motives ranging from theft, espionage and data extraction to counterfeiting. In 2015 and 2016, the government sector accounted for 27% and 29% of all cyber-attacks.

Other sectors high on the priority list of cyber criminals are banking, energy, telecom and defence, which along with the government, account for three-fourths of all cyber-attacks. The emergence of new services and apps, cloud and cognitive technologies, has made cyber security more challenging even as the value of data and its applications in commerce grows by the day, making cyber security a major task.

The incidence of e-transactions is rising with India logging in an estimated 2 billion such dealings a day as compared to around 54 billion worldwide, according to World Payments Report 2016.

Cyber-attacks use techniques and tools that help criminals evade detection with increasing refinement, and this has led the government to recognise cyber security as a “strategic domain” and devise strategies aimed at deepening cooperation at the international level. The PMO and the national security adviser are key elements overseeing a range of civilian and defence agencies with cyber security mandates.

Cyber Security Architecture

India is setting up its own ‘cyber security architecture’ that will comprise the National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC) for threat assessment and information sharing among stakeholders, the Cyber Operation Centre that will be jointly run by the NTRO and the armed forces for threat management and mitigation for identified critical sectors and defence, and the National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) under the NTRO for providing cover to ‘critical information infrastructure’.

Concurrently, the government is also coming up with a legal framework to deal with cyber security; has launched a drive for creating greater awareness to this threat and is creating necessary human resource with requisite skills. Major cyber security projects under implementation are given in the succeeding paragraphs.

National Cyber Coordination Centre (NCCC)

NCCC is a critical component of India’s cyber security against hackers and espionage as well as track terrorist activity on line. A group of cyber security professionals and experts will look after the functioning of the Centre and track illegal and terror activities on line. It will run on similar lines as in the US, UK, France and Germany. Its mandate may also include cyber intelligence sharing.

Botnet Cleaning and Malware Analysis Centre

India has the largest number of Botnets in the world. To obviate and limit the threat due to botnets, the Government has recently set up a Botnet Cleaning and Malware Analysis Centre. The project is a part of Digital India programme and aims to create safe and secure cyberspace. It will automatically detect botnets that trigger various cybercrimes and suggest the device owner to remove them from their device with their help.

Central Monitoring System (CMS)

Central Monitoring System, the Union Government’s ambitious electronic intelligence monitoring system, is likely to start functioning fully by this year-end. According to the Ministry of Home Affairs officials, the hi-tech unit which will provide unhindered access to phone calls, text messages, and social media conversations to law enforcement agencies in real-time will have two units in the inaugural phase in Delhi and Bangalore.

National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC)

Article 70A (IT Act 2008) mandated the need for a special agency that would look at designated CIIs and evolve practices, policies and procedures to protect them from a cyber-attack. The National Critical Information Infrastructure Protection Centre (NCIIPC) was created and placed under the technical intelligence agency, the National Technical Research Organisation, to roll out counter-measures in cooperation with other security agencies and private corporate entities that man these critical sectors.

Protection of Power Sector

In December 2010, Ministry of Power had constituted CERTs (Computer Emergency Response Teams) for power sector i.e.; CERT-Thermal (nodal agency- National Thermal Power Corporation (NTPC)), CERT-Hydro (nodal agency- National Hydroelectric Power Corporation (NHPC)) and CERT-Transmission (nodal agency- Power Grid Corporation of India Limited (PGCIL)) to take necessary action to prevent cyber attacks in their domains. The State Power Utilities have also been advised to prepare their own sectorial Crisis Management Plan (CMP) and align themselves with the Nodal Agencies i.e. NTPC, NHPC & PGCIL and CERT – for the necessary actions.

Grid Security Expert System (GSES)

Grid Security Expert System (GSES) was developed by POWERGRID and it involves installation of knowledge based Supervisory Control and Data Acquisition (SCADA) system, numerical relays and Remote Terminal units up to 132 kV stations and the reliable Optical fibre Ground wire (OFGW) communication system. The objective of the GSES is implementation of the Automatic Defense mechanism to facilitate reliable and secure grid operation.

Crisis Management Plan

India has prepared a Crisis Management Plan (CMP) for countering cyber-attacks and cyber terrorism for preventing the large scale disruption in the functioning of critical information systems of Government, public and private sector resources and services. The Crisis Management Plan (CMP) for Countering Cyber Attacks and Cyber Terrorism outlines a framework for dealing with cyber related incidents for rapid identification, swift response and remedial actions to mitigate and recover from cyber related incidents impacting critical national processes.

 Network Traffic Analysis System (NeTRA)

A monitoring and electronic surveillance project being executed by the DRDO.It appears to be Indian government’s first attempt of mass surveillance rather than individual targets. It will scan the activities over the social networking websites like twitter and would scan the mails and chat transcript and even the voices in the internet traffic.

The above efforts are aligned towards developing a cyber defence capability. There is no information in the open domain regarding development of cyber offensive capabilities and their integration. Cyber space is essentially “Offence Dominant” by its very character and cyber power includes both defensive and offensive capabilities backed by appropriate organisation, technology, skilled human resource and a well-developed defence electronic manufacturing and components base.

Imperatives

India needs national scale effort supported by political will, adequate funding, contemporary technology and skilled people to realize necessary cyber security capability. These imperatives would require synergy amongst various ministries and agencies through appropriate policy framework and organisation and must be executed concurrently. Some of the essential imperatives are given in the succeeding paragraphs.

Establish National Cyber Security Commission (NCSC) – a fully empowered body with its own department, on the lines of Space Commission and Atomic Energy Commission. The country needs to build thought leadership and weave together India’s potential in cyber security under one organisation. NCSC will have the onerous tasks of creating synergy amongst various stake holders through an enabling policy framework; developing technology, manpower, industry clusters, education standards and certification, intelligence and counter intelligence mechanisms, cyber forensics, security standards, and policy research. It will also coordinate with all ministries for National Critical Information Infrastructure (NCII) in their areas.  It will play a catalytic role for the requirements of military in cyber warfare.

The National Cyber Security Policy 2013 needs to be revisited urgently in the light of rapid pace of technology development and very dynamic threat scenario. This policy should be translated to a time bound action plan in consonance with the national cyber security doctrine and specify clearly the responsibility for its execution and accountability. The policy, action plan, organisation and assured budgetary support must be discussed and approved by the Parliament.

Develop Cyber War Capability: India urgently needs to develop policies and capabilities in this ‘Fifth’ domain of war.  These cannot wait and must be taken up on top most priority in a “Mission Mode” by the Services. The situation and threats to India are unique and hence there is the necessity of developing an indigenous solution in consonance with the doctrine to include organisation, technology, skill sets, training infrastructure and R&D. Immediate raising of an Indian Cyber Command is a national strategic imperative.

Energise “Make in India” Programme

India announced her National Electronic Policy (NEP) in 2012 with a view to establish an Electronic System Design and Manufacturing (ESDM) eco system and manufacture of semi-conductors in the country. Unfortunately, the scheme did not take off inspite of the fact that it offered attractive financial and taxation terms. This scheme has now been given a push under the “Make in India” programme. Absence of electronic manufacturing base and indigenous semi-conductor manufacturing capability in the country are strategic deficiencies. These are absolutely essential and fundamental pre-requisites for cyber security and need immediate attention at the highest level.

Cyber Policy Research Centre: There is no think tank that is studying policies and documents being produced by groupings of governments, industry, civil society, academia, interested organisations and international policy making organisations. Thousands of pages are being churned out, which require deeper understanding through analysis and discussions to decide on what is in India’s interest. We are unable to address policy as well as operational issues due to the lack of focused studies. Numerous NGOs created at the behest of foreign governments, are obfuscating policy discussions to derail national positions. Also as technology evolves, a large amount of cyber security research and policies require timely revision.

Cyber Threat Intelligence Centre: India needs to have cyber analysis centers which collects attack data on various infrastructures, financial systems, web sites and services; correlate “big data” generated from government with financial and commercial data to create patterns and suggest anomalies, for advance preventive actions.

Cyber Workforce development: There is an urgent requirement to have a national plan to develop cyber security workforce and an associated cadre. NCSP 2013 has set up a target of five lakhs skilled cyber resource in the non-formal sector for cyber security and also to exploit the business opportunity of providing services to global customers by 2018. India also must lay emphasis on developing “Science of Cyber Security”.

R&D for product development: India needs focused R&D in the development of safe products; discovery and analysis of vulnerabilities, fixing attribution and design of cyber weapons. Manufacturing and export of cyber security products presents a very attractive opportunity for India.

Security Standards and Frameworks, Audit: India needs to develop and promulgate the cyber security standards and frameworks for development, and audit processes for assurance of protection of our NCII. Enabling Policy measures are required to encourage establishment of testing labs for managing ICT Supply Chain Risks.

Cyber-crime investigations: There is an urgent need for development and continual upgradation of cyber forensics capabilities and investigating skills with our law enforcement agencies (LEAs), to handle cyber-crimes in the ever expanding proliferation of devices, platforms, big data, Internet of Things, mobility and social media.

Assurance Framework, Test & Certifica-tion: There is an immediate requirement of setting up a national cyber test facility providing for network emulation, monitoring and audit, vulnerability analysis, simulated attacks, graduated response, performance analysis and security assurance modeling.

Build Thought Leadership, Executive/ Political Sponsors: Build cyber security savvy leadership, subject matter experts, solution architects and system engineers so as to address the inadequate comprehension of lack of cyber security capability and its bearing on national security including the military dimension.

Leveraging Diaspora: Indian diaspora is at the fore front of building security technologies, platforms and solutions across world class institutions and industry in USA and Europe. They can be the biggest catalyst in building cyber security capability. Proactive and aggressive steps should be taken to leverage the diaspora.

Outreach Programme to Attract Industry. Government needs to make it attractive for the private sector to invest in capability building through innovative mechanisms, such as funding development of new technologies, committing to buy from partner companies etc. Both the Government and the Industry must recognize multi-billion opportunity in cyber security related products and services and cash on this through a focused and proactive approach as was done for IT.

Establish Cyber Policy Research Centre: A Think-tank funded by the government/Industry, for studying all facets of cyberspace and making policy recommendations to the government.

In this digitally connected world, development of full spectrum cyber security along with an electronic industrial base, skilled human resource, enabling policy and legal frameworks, assured financial support, R&D and so on,  in consonance with the national security and cyber doctrines, is a national imperative. The digital world of today demands “Technical Sovereignty” and complete protection of data to ensure national and human security. India must ensure these for continued development and securing her rightful place in the comity of nations.

(Lieutenant General Davinder Kumar is a former Signal Officer-in-Chief, Indian Army and former CEO & MD of Tata Advanced Systems.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

How is India Faring in the Cyber Domain

With Independence Day seeing a flurry of articles on India’s progress over the years, now is as good a time as any to see how India has fared in the cyber domain. On the face of it, it would seem that India is no better or worse off than other countries. It has not faced any debilitating cyber attacks despite having adversarial relations with countries that have advanced cyber capabilities. Experts ascribe this to the fact that friend and foe alike are content to sit on the networks and harvest the data for information. However, successive stories of leakage of data are sufficient to indicate there are any number of vulnerabilities in networks, systems and software that can be exploited by adversaries. The increasing reported instances of cybercrime only serves to bear this out. On the policy front, while there has been considerable progress in fashioning proactive policies in a number of areas central to cyber security from safeguarding critical information infrastructure to fostering start-ups, the moot questions are whether a) these policies are sufficient and b) whether they are being effectively implemented. There are other areas where policies are urgently needed but are developing at a snail’s pace such as in encryption, even as new technological developments such as blockchain technologies are in urgent need of policy direction to enable a healthy environment for their development. With the increasing militarisation of cyberspace, there is also a need for understanding the role of the military and the intelligence agencies in cyberspace, and developing doctrines as well as concretising operational issues such as chains of command, etc.  While India has taken a more pro-active interest in the international debates on cyber security, and is actively participating in international fora, its position on many issues is yet to be clearly delineated. The deeply interlinked nature of activities in cyberspace means that all these policy issues and areas are deeply interlinked which creates enormous challenges for policy makers.

India had a head start in the cyber-domain, being one of the first countries to have an Information Technology Act, and to set up Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT).  The potential for Information and Communications Technologies to drive growth and development was seen as early as the 1970s when the National Informatics Centre (NIC) was setup to provide information technology solutions to the government. The 1980s saw increased utilisation of communications technologies through the establishment of country-wide networks, among these, the National Informatics Centre Network (NICNET), a nationwide VSAT network for public sector organisations, which also connected the central government with the state governments and district administrations, and the Education and Research Network (ERNET), which served the academic and research communities. Internet service for the public was made available from August 14, 1995. Today, India has not only the second largest user base worldwide with over 462 million users, but also has the fastest growth with an increase of 108 million over the previous year. This was largely due to the drop in data tariffs by over 75% over the previous year.

Successive governments have been proactive in using information and communication technologies (ICT) to improve governance and accelerate development. The present government has taken these efforts to a new level by making internet connectivity and digitalisation the cornerstone of many of its activities. Just one of these campaigns, the Digital India Campaign has a number of ambitious goals, from creating broadband highways, improving delivery of government services, and reducing electronics imports. Others like Start-up India endeavour to have digital products created in India rather than just consuming those created elsewhere. The Aadhaar unique identification card initiative, with over a billion numbers generated, functions on a digital backbone, with the biometric data stored in a central database.

The vast expansion in all things digital has increased the attack surface for adversaries. Recent attacks around the world on critical infrastructure ranging from electricity grids to financial institutions to even nuclear plants make the various doomsday scenarios of Cyber Armageddon, quite plausible. Response and remediation to these attacks show that governments, largely have a limited role in emergency response to such attacks, other than monitoring and providing advisories through the relevant organisations. Their role is more towards pre-empting attacks, through, on the one hand, enacting policies to reduce the risks and locate vulnerabilities, as well as formulating broader policies that enhance  security but are also flexible enough to allow for openness, innovation and privacy. These policies need to be addressed across many domains, from law enforcement, to commerce, to data security, as well as India’s approach to global internet governance policy.

How has India fared so far? In terms of creating legal and administrative frameworks, this has been an on-going process for over two decades though implementing them has proved to be the more difficult part. Though many of them are deeply interlinked and should by rights be carefully sequenced, these frameworks have often been developed piecemeal and in isolation, and have taken an inordinately long time to implement in a domain where policymaking cannot keep pace with technology even in the most advanced countries. To give a few examples, a privacy law and a data protection law are essential to safeguard the individual at a time when companies are mining data streams of individuals for a variety of purposes and even selling them to third parties. In terms of implementation, the most glaring example is that of the Cyber Appellate Tribunal the apex body to try cases of cyber fraud which has been without a Chairperson since 2011 and has nearly all the cases from 2010 in pending status. Cases of cybercrime have gone up exponentially even as the rate of conviction remain abysmally low. Companies and individuals are easily susceptible to cybercrime because of low cyber literacy, lack of awareness especially about cyber hygiene and best practices.

Policy makers, whether in the Ministry of Home Affairs (looking at cybercrime), the Ministry of Electronics and Information Technology (looking at issues of cyber security) or at nodal agencies are hamstrung by a number of seemingly immutable factors, ranging from the fact that much of the software and hardware is of foreign origin, and much of the data resides on foreign servers. This is getting further exacerbated with increasing digitalisation as companies in just about every sector, critical or otherwise, are entering into collaboration with application service providers without undertaking due diligence, in a rush to provide apps and services to customers. The security ramifications of the headlong rush to digitalisation are yet to be fully comprehended. The fact that much of the infrastructure rests in the privates sector also hamstrings the government’s room for manoeuvre in terms of fashioning and implementing policies to secure the digital environment. As a case in point, in just one sector, telecom, the National Telecom Policy of 2012 had set a target for domestic telecom equipment to meet Indian telecom sector demands to the extent of 60-80 per cent by 2020 after it was noted that over 60% of the equipment was being sourced from China. That laudable goal notwithstanding, the fact is that even today, the vast majority of telecom equipment, amounting to Rs. 70,000 crores annually, continues to be imported from China.

The sheer size of the population, the federal setup, legacy issues, the multiplicity of agencies concerned with cyber security, lack of experienced and expert manpower in not just core areas of cyber security, but also in law enforcement and the judiciary, are all factors that will see the cyberspace environment become progressively worse before it gets better. The security aspects of new technologies and concepts from cloud computing to the internet of things and driverless cars to crypto-currencies, to name just a few, will provide more regulatory and policy headaches for  policymakers in the coming days.

The external environment has also turned darker in recent times, as countries turn to militarisation following the failure of collaborative efforts to evolve norms to secure cyberspace.  Norms development has been an on-going process for well over a decade in the United Nations and other fora, and  for a time, looked to be making some progress, particularly in the  Group of Governmental experts process instituted by the First Committee of the United General Assembly  tasked with promoting Peace and Disarmament. The very success of the process seems to have led to its own un-doing as different groups of countries tried to secure their interests by putting forward untenable proposals. While the United States and its allies were supportive of the process initially, the bias towards multi-lateralism is probably one reason why there was no attempt made at arriving at a consensus report leading to a collapse of the process in 2017.

India has participated in many of the norm-making mechanisms related to cyber-security though it has tended to take nuanced positions based on its interests. The preference has hitherto been for multilateral fora since India faces the same problems other developing countries face at multi-stakeholder fora; that of limited participation due to limited funding for other stakeholder, disinterest on the part of stakeholders in the private sector, as well as limited domain expertise and exposure. Efforts are being made to enhance participation in multi-stakeholder fora, be it in internet governance or cyber security. Having said that, the multilateral/multi-stakeholder debate has taken on the shape of a proxy battle on ideological lines. As security considerations come to the fore, even liberal Western countries are imposing stringent regulations and laws without consulting other stakeholders.

In fact, India’s vision of a fair and equitable multi-stakeholder mechanism could be said to blur the distinction between multi-lateralism and multistakeholderism, viewing this as a false dichotomy. In his message to ICANN53 where India formally signed up to the multi-stakeholder process, the Minister of Communications mooted a ‘multi-layered’ system of multilateral and multi-stakeholder institutions working on a common platform that will support equity, innovation, collaboration and inclusion. India has begun to more actively participate in organizations such as the Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (ICANN), the de facto global internet governing body, and is also holding the next iteration of the Global Conference on Cyberspace under the aegis of the London Process, a state-sponsored summit originally initiated to propagate the values and ideals of a global and open cyberspace. On the whole though, as consensus on the basic tenets of securing cyberspace and the means of doing so continues to evade the global community, the various seminars, conferences and commissions risk being relegated to being nothing more than talking shops.

On the bilateral front, India has signed MoUs on enhancing cyber security co-operation with a number of countries. There has also been a deepening of dialogues with a few countries such as Israel, the United States and Russia with substantive proposals on exchange of information, expertise and co-operation in research and development. Co-operation with the United States is the most crucial but also the most problematic. On the law enforcement side, there are multiple hindrances when it comes to co-operation ranging from lack of familiarity with US procedures and laws, and using out-dated mechanisms such as mutual legal assistance treaties (MLATS) and Letters Rogatory  to obtain information and evidence for judicial cases that  take an inordinate amount of time and effort to process. On the intelligence side, historically, effective two-way co-operation has been less than optimal since the agencies in the US intelligence constellation tend to provide information on a need-to-know basis. The cyber intelligence agencies have gone a step further and have been found actively hacking into the networks of friends and foes alike.

The militarisation of cyberspace continues apace as countries set up cyber commands, and gather up cyber ammunition in the form of exploits, vulnerabilities and malware. The United States has, in recent days, elevated the status of its Cyber Command to that of a Combatant Command. Though this is largely an administrative decision to separate it from the National Security Agency (NSA), it further accentuates the emerging arms race in cyberspace.  India’s approach has been exceptional and sober, with the government taking a graduated response, first undertaking to set up a Cyber Defence Agency which would presumably upgraded to a Cyber Command. While this is a measured and restrained approach, scaling up should be a continuous process with set timelines, fixed structures and budgets. While the services are currently struggling jointness in the Armed Forces, jointness in cyber security should go beyond the Armed Forces and merge civilian capabilities as well. While on the one hand, the Armed forces bring in the expertise, operational capability and a clear mandate to defend the nation from any external threat and also house technical expertise, the private sector also has much to contribute in terms of domain knowledge, technical and financial resources. A cyber strategy would be effective only if it succeeds in synchronising the capacities, infrastructure and expertise spread throughout the government, the armed forces and the private sector.

The fact that the country has not yet been subject to a cyber attack of a magnitude that would impact on the life of the citizens, or cause the economy to crash  should not give rise to complacency and the feeling that “all is well” as far as the country’s cyber security is concerned. Attacks in the recent past have taken place through known vulnerabilities, as in the case of the Wannacry ransomware attack, as well as through unknown vectors. While some progress has been made in setting in place structures to improve the country’s cyber security posture such as appointing a National Cyber Security Co-ordinator, setting up a National Cyber Co-ordination Centre, creating sectoral CERTs, activating the National Cyber Infrastructure Protection Centre, augmenting the expertise of the judiciary and of law enforcement, providing funding for R&D, more remains to be done. At the operational level, the most pressing issues are providing existing agencies with more teeth to enforce regulatory requirements, whether it be in reporting cyber attacks or sharing information. The capacities and capabilities of these agencies should be augmented to the required level. This also holds true for law enforcement and forensic agencies as well. At the policy making level, the time has probably come to have cyber security elevated as a specific Ministerial level responsibility to send the message down the line of its importance. This is not to suggest that a separate Ministry with attendant bureaucracy be set up but that the subject itself should be elevated to the apex level. Ultimately, the conversation that needs to take place is that between strategic experts, domain experts and policy makers to pinpoint the specific areas of weakness and how they can be plugged, the strategic calculations behind attacks, the policy actions that need to be taken to secure the country’s cyberspace, and that dialogue is, as yet, not happening to a sufficient degree.

(Cherian Samuel is Research Fellow in the Strategic Technologies Centre at the Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses (IDSA). Views expressed are personal.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

The Making of a Swadeshi Data Movement

Former chairman of the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI) and architect
of the Aadhaar initiative Nandan Nilekani recently made the case for a “data inversion” policy, requiring businesses operating in India to return the data they collect to the user.1 Over several iterations of this proposal, Mr. Nilekani has argued data of Indians is at the risk of being “colonised” by big technology corporations, and data inversion can “empower” the user.2 A strong data protection framework, he suggests, would give users the right to “pull out” their data anytime. “They can choose what they want to be part of, and what they don’t.”3

Nilekani’s comments are significant because they come in the backdrop of efforts by him and other technology evangelists — both from government and the private sector — to make India a “data-rich” economy. At the launch of Reliance Industries Ltd’s digital offering ‘Jio’ early this year, its chairman Mukesh Ambani declared “data is the new oil”4, with immense potential to “bring benefit to the people”. In the same vein, Information Technology minister Ravi Shankar Prasad characterised data-driven, “digital” governance as “honest” and “transparent”.5In a country whose digital economy has been largely serviced by American and Chinese companies, the desire among policymakers and home-grown businesses to retain agency over the data produced by consumers is acute.

Nilekani’s data inversion proposal is not an altogether radical concept. As the former Infosys CEO has himself acknowledged, there is comparable legislation in the United States.6 The Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act, for instance, requires financial and banking institutions to maintain data about lending practices to small businesses.7 This information has to be made available to “any member of the public” upon requests made according to statutorily prescribed procedure. The provision, which has met with controversy,8 is aimed at ensuring “fair lending” practices through closer scrutiny of potentially discriminatory terms of financing for small businesses. But it also provides fintech startups precisely the data that they need to build digital platforms that cater to local needs.

But were such a proposal to be implemented in India, would it really “empower” the user?

At the heart of the ‘data inversion’ proposal lies the expectation that users — made owners of their data — will subsequently hand it over to Indian start-ups. Indian companies today have neither the giant data sets nor the analytics capabilities needed to create technology-driven platforms in the same manner as an UBER or AirBnB, but the ready availability of user data may level the playing field. The “data inversion” proposal is driven by the same motivations as the Swadeshi movement of the early 20th century, which sought to revive the textiles industry in Bengal and other parts of India that had suffered on account of Britain’s surging exports to its biggest colony and market. Then, cotton mills in Manchester and Lancashire had taken advantage of rising market demand in India, supplying products that were acknowledged to be imitations of Indian methods of dyeing and printing.9Unlike textiles however, data is a “non-rivalrous” resource. A swadeshi data movement would not involve any boycott of foreign digital services: to the contrary, companies based outside India too will benefit from gaining access to a larger pool of user data in the country.

Key to harvesting such data would be the ready availability of Application Programming Interfaces (APIs) upon which Indian companies can build their digital platforms. The current suite of APIs developed by the iSpirt foundation — collectively called India Stack — already hosts several tools that developers can integrate into their platforms. For instance, state and central government departments as well as major Indian businesses have already absorbed the “Aadhaar eKYC” API to digitally verify their consumers without seeking physical copies of identification documents. The eKYC API allows a business to build a software platform that taps into the Aadhaar database (with the user’s consent) to extract authentic details about her date of birth, address of residence etc, in the process removing the need to reinvent the wheel and spend lakhs of rupees in building a customer database. Similarly, the Unified Payments Interface – another API developed by the volunteer-driven iSpirit — allows businesses to create digital markers beyond just banking address to effect instantaneous transfers of money. These markers may be Aadhaar numbers, specially created UPI addresses, or just phone numbers. That platforms developed in Silicon Valley, like WhatsApp and Uber, have begun to integrate UPI-driven payments in their products is an indications that APIs developed in India can offer competitive tools for global markets.10

If India Stack currently hosts “first-generation” APIs that run on the back of large, government databases like Aadhaar, its progression into a more diverse set of tools for businesses and public agencies will be driven by developers’ access to richer data sets. The Aadhaar platform provides barebones information for personal identification, and it would neither be prudent — on account of security reasons — nor desirable to link it to other sensitive, tertiary information about a citizen such as her health records. The Indian government is the custodian of vast troves of data about its population, but until such time there is a cohesive effort to digitise this data and protect it with appropriate safeguards, software developers will have to rely on information provided by users on their existing apps. If the user were to be the “owner” of data provided to large technology companies based abroad, it is likely she will provide it to Indian app developers that can provide targeted, locally relevant services (weather patterns, mandi rates for perishable goods, public transportation timings etc). In some cases, the user may be legally required to provide this information in return for governance benefits.

This process of transmission of data — either de novo information or data that has been “returned” by other platforms — from the user to Indian digital platforms arguably marks the genesis of a swadeshi data movement. In some respects, this process has already begun with the widespread adoption of Aadhaar-enabled platforms, which allow the user to authenticate her private transactions through data shared with the government.

The availability of data for Indian companies to innovate for local needs is of course a positive development, but in the absence of a clear data protection regime, the jury is still out on the role of the citizen in this movement. In other words: what determines the success of a home-grown data movement? Is it driven by the technological innovations and bottom-lines of Indian businesses? Is another key metric the ability of governments in India to provide digital governance services at affordable cost to citizens? Or is it also the ability of Indian users to retain agency over their data, and determine precisely what can be shared with companies and government agencies?

The Supreme Court of India in its landmark ruling on the ‘right to privacy’ in August 2017 directly addressed the question of the user’s agency over her data. The verdict — which affirmed the existence of a fundamental right to privacy — acknowledged that the “state may have justifiable reasons for the storage and collection of data” but also held that Indian data laws should protect the “autonomy” of the individual or the user.11 The Court cited with approval the “privacy principles” outlined by the 2012 report submitted to the Planning Commission by a Group of Experts led by Justice A.P. Shah. These principles underline statutory limitations on data collection and access by state and non-state actors to users’ data, as well as the importance of consent in collecting and sharing data with third parties. Some of these principles have already been absorbed, albeit in a rudimentary form, in the data protection guidelines crafted under the Information Technology Act, 2008.

But for a swadeshi movement to make India a data-rich economy to succeed, the user should be more than just the passive recipient of e-governance services or innovative digital platforms. The Indian user should play a crucial and autonomous role in determining the kind of data that is shared with the government and the private sector. Often, individuals – especially first generation internet users – agree to share their data with apps and services without understanding or being informed about the exact purposes to which such data may be deployed. The Supreme Court’s recent judgement has rightly acknowledged the “centrality” of user consent, but the Indian government should go beyond consent- or permissions-based approaches in its national data protection framework. Faced with better awareness of the nature and functions of digital platforms they interact with, Indian users can make informed choices about the data they share. This in turn would spur the creation of digital products and services that address a consumer-driven demand or need. It would avoid the problem of all-pervasive collection of data, which often results in unchecked or illegal surveillance, cyber security vulnerabilities and data leakages.

The autonomy of the Indian user in digital spaces should be protected by the state through a legal framework that addresses three distinct relationships: user-government, user-private sector, and government-private sector. Of these three interactions, Indian law — through policies such as The Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information) Rules, 2011 — currently accounts for the collection of data by mobile applications and services, but does so in very broad terms that essentially allow companies to gather and share information they determine to be relevant to their products’ functionalities.12 The user’s consent, in such a scenario, is made perfunctory. A growing, global body of research suggests that the permissions-based model of data sharing with digital applications does little to illuminate users’ understanding of privacy and indeed, the nature of the apps themselves.13

Regulators in other jurisdictions have challenged the concept of “binary, one-time” consent given that “unprecedented amounts of personal information are collected by, and shared among, a myriad of often invisible players who use it for a host of purposes, both existing and not yet conceived of.”14 The risk of users not sharing relevant information is also real, as research suggests many will simply reject requests to access data if they are unaware of the context in which personal information is share with an app.15 The user-private sector engagement in India must take into account the unique requirements of the online population and address how the user can retain agency over the sharing and collection of her data based on the context.

Meanwhile, the relationship between the Indian government and the digital citizen is mediated by statutes like the UIDAI Act which place limits on the sharing of sensitive and biometric information. Nevertheless, this legal framework does not account for the linking of Aadhaar information to tertiary public and private databases that may be vulnerable to leaks or cyber attacks. There are also few statutory mechanisms that ensure the state’s accountability on policies around Aadhaar linkages with other government welfare programs.

Finally, there are no regulatory mechanisms currently in place to evaluate data sharing between public agencies and businesses across digital platforms. The UIDAI Act admittedly includes penal provisions for the misuse of biometric information by the private sector, but as businesses tap into public databases to provide digital platforms that deal with healthcare, transportation and education, the automated sharing of such information must be carefully scrutinised for corporate misuse. Calls for an “open data” policy in India are not new, but they must be calibrated to ensure that the user is not marginalised in choices around collection and sharing of personal information.

A national data movement — one that encourages the free flow of information across public and private platforms, thereby providing opportunities for both to create innovative digital products — can only be sustained with the user at its centre. The user must not only be made aware of the information collected from devices and platforms, but also the implications of such data sharing for her privacy. A swadeshi movement must distinguish itself from the deterministic ethos of Silicon Valley, which seeks to design and impose technologies on communities for the ostensible purpose of solving their social and economic malaises. India’s data revolution must instead be driven by contextual, local language platforms that respect both the needs and rights of the user.

 

Reference

1  Nandan Nilekani, “Why India needs to be a data democracy”, July 27, 2017, Livemint, http://www.livemint.com/Opinion/gm1MNTytiT3zRqxt1dXbhK/Why-India-needs-to-be-a-data-democracy.html

2  “Need law where data collected is shared back with users: Nilekani”, The Hindu Business Line, July 22, 2017, http://www.thehindubusinessline.com/info-tech/need-law-where-data-collected-is-shared-back-with-users-nilekani/article9784813.ece

3  Supra n.1

4  “Mukesh Ambani says data is new oil for fourth industrial revolution”, The Economic Times, February 15, 2017 economictimes.indiatimes.com/articleshow/57173843.cms

5 “Digital India Summit 2017: ‘Data is the new oil’; data important for new policy formulation, says Ravi Shankar Prasad”, Financial Express, March 23, 2017 http://www.financialexpress.com/industry/digital-india-summit-2017-data-is-the-new-oil-data-important-for-new-policy-formulation-says-ravi-shankar-prasad/599220/

6  “Who Owns Personal Data: Technology and Policy Frameworks”, Aug 17, 2017, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=mwC1kjaWV6g&feature=youtu.be&utm_content=buffer1798b&utm_medium=social&utm_source= twitter.com&utm_campaign=buffer

7  Section 1071, “Small Business Data Collection”,The Dodd–Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer Protection Act (Pub.L. 111–203, H.R. 4173) http://www.dodd-frank-act.us/Dodd_Frank_Act_Text_Section_1071.html

8  “The CFPB Wants Data On Small Business Loans. Bankers Are Outraged”, Forbes, May 29, 2017, https://www.forbes.com/sites/robbmandelbaum/2017/05/29/the-cfpb-wants-data-on-small-business-loans-bankers-are-outraged/2

9  Prasannan Parthasarathi, “The European Response to Indian Cottons” http://www.lse.ac.uk/economicHistory/Research/GEHN/GEHNPDF/PUNEParthasarathi.pdf

10 Arun Mohan Sukumar, “WhatsApp’s Integration of UPI-Based Payments Has Strategic Consequences for India’s Digital Economy”, August 9, 2017, The Wire, https://thewire.in/165881/whatsapp-upi-bhim-digital-economy/

11 Justice K.S. Puttaswamy (Retd.) &And v. Union of India & Ors., Writ Petition (Civil) No. 494 of 2012, para.181

12 Rule 3, The Information Technology (Reasonable security practices and procedures and sensitive personal data or information) Rules, 2011http://www.wipo.int/edocs/lexdocs/laws/en/in/in098en.pdf

13 Max Van Kleek, Ilaria Liccardi, Reuben Binns, Jun Zhao, Daniel J. Weitzner and Nigel Shadbolt,

    “Better the Devil You Know: Exposing the Data Sharing Practices of Smartphone Apps”, http://people.csail.mit.edu/ilaria/papers/CHI2017.pdf

14 Office of the Privacy Commissioner of Canada , “Consent and privacy: A discussion paper exploring potential enhancements to consent under the Personal Information Protection and Electronic Documents Act”, May 2016, https://www.priv.gc.ca/media/1806/consent_201605_e.pdf

15Primal Wijesekera, Arjun Baokar, Ashkan Hosseini, Serge Egelman, David Wagner, and Konstantin Beznosov, “Android Permissions Remystified: A Field Study on Contextual Integrity”, September 2015, https://www.ftc.gov/system/files/documents/public_comments/2015/09/00013-97595.pdf

(Arun Mohan Sukumar is Head, ORF Cyber Security and Internet Governance Initiative.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of September-October 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

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