In his famous book ‘Monsoon.’ Robert Kaplan aptly annunciated the importance of the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). He wrote:
“The Indian Ocean Region is more than just a stimulating geography. It is an idea because it provides an insightful visual impression of Islam and combines the centrality of Islam with global energy politics and the importance of world navies in order to show us a multilayered, multipolar world above and beyond the headlines ………; it is also an idea because it allows us to see the world whole, within a very new and yet very old framework, complete with its own traditions and characteristics, without having to drift into bland nostrums about globalisation.”
What Kaplan stated is a fact of geography and will always remain so. The geopolitical centrum of the world has shifted to the Indo-Pacific; it is evident when one observes the two big powers, the US and China, jostling for geopolitical supremacy since it would give them oversight to the main sea lanes of communication through which world energy and trade traverses. This competition has the potential to turn into contestation and, worse, conflict and ultimately may redefine international order. The existing free world led by the West seriously threatens to be replaced by a more autocratic and possibly non-democratic structure for prosperity. In this vast area, Bharat is the most consequential resident power. It is the fifth largest economy in the world and is inching towards becoming the third largest,[1] behind China and the US. India’s strategy, therefore, must factor in the dynamism of IOR, which is now witnessing intensified jostling for supremacy. It is in Bharat’s interest to assist the IOR neighbours if it has to attain its $5 trillion GDP goal in a desirable timeframe. These neighbours also expect Bharat to actively ensure an environment of peace and stability in the region for their trade, commerce, and prosperity to flourish.
The IOR littorals falling into either of the two camps, the US or China, will not augur well for their prosperity. These two big powers’ efforts are to influence the smaller IOR littorals and develop such infrastructure in those countries with dual purposes for possible military usage in times of crisis. Bharat is too large a country and powerful to be part of any alliance and act as a second fiddle. Best for Bharat is what it is practising: the strategy of strategic autonomy. For Bharat, PM Modi’s government’s policy of ‘neighbourhood first’[2] and ‘SAGAR[3] (Security And Growth for All in the Region)’ is ideally suited for the prosperity of the countries in the region. Bharat has bailed out every neighbour whenever they were deep into an economic or security crisis. Yet, these countries continue to hedge their bets between Bharat and China to seek financial advantage. Bharat is experiencing these flip-flops from its neighbours at regular intervals. How this is to be addressed will remain a challenge for Bharat.
Bangladesh
Bangladesh is experiencing a period of uncertainty. The student agitation forced Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina to leave her country and take refuge in Bharat. Her ouster was followed by mayhem. Law and order broke down completely,[4] but it is showing gradual signs of recovery. In the latest development, the Bangladesh interim government has requested the extradition of Sheikh Hasina, a diplomatic challenge for Bharat.
The country’s constitution enshrines secularism as one of the four fundamental principles, even though Islam is the state religion. The Bangladesh Constitution grants equal status and rights to all faiths—Hinduism, Buddhism, Christianity and others. It bans discrimination on the grounds of religion. Bangladesh is also one of the few Muslim-majority nations where proselytising is generally accepted and legalised by law subject to public order and morality. This is important to remember since, in the recent political turbulence, a large number of Hindus were killed by the radical Muslims who were steering the agitation.
Under Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, Bangladesh flourished economically for over 15 years. Its GDP and PPP increased significantly, and poverty declined. Its PPP per capita was higher than that of Bharat. Even the HDI of Bangladesh has been higher.[5] It has a long coastline along the Bay of Bengal. Significantly for India, it is separated from Bhutan and Nepal by the Siliguri corridor to the north and from China by the mountainous Indian state of Sikkim. It is the second-largest economy, the third-largest South Asian military, and the largest contributor to UN peacekeeping operations.
Bangladesh is a reasonably affluent South Asian nation. Its poverty rate declined from 80% in 1971 to 44.2% in 1991 and 12.9% in 2021. The literacy rate in 2022 increased to 74.66%. But all that has retarded since 5 August 2024 with Sheikh Hasina’s forced ouster amidst the countrywide agitation by students against the reservation policy of the government. This was followed by mass violence and destruction of property, with radical elements damaging Hindu temples and killing Hindu citizens. The military installed an interim cabinet with the indulgence of another country. Nobel laureate Dr Muhammad Yunus, who has lived in the US for a long time, has been positioned as the head of the interim government.
Bharat and Bangladesh share historical and civilisational similarities. Then, there is linguistic commonality with the state of West Bengal. There is a very close intertwining of trade, commerce, connectivity, security-related activities, people-to-people relationships, etc. Given Bangladesh’s land and maritime proximity to Bharat and contiguity with the Bay of Bengal, bigger powers in the geopolitical arena have always had their eyes set on Bangladesh. The US and the PRC thus continue to make overtures to secure closer ties with Bangladesh. China has vast trade and close cooperation in infrastructure and defence sectors. Most weapon platforms in the Bangladesh Armed Forces are of Chinese origin, including two submarines sold under the pretext of training. This justifies access to the PLA Navy to Pekua port (Chittagong), where these submarines are based. The base, BNS Sheikh Hasina, built with significant Chinese support, can accommodate up to six submarines and eight warships. This China orientation of Bangladesh has irked the USA on several occasions. Ex-PM Sheikh Hasina is on record stating that the US was seeking access to St Martin Island (a small island near Myanmar), and her refusal could have led to her ouster. China helped Bangladesh in upgrading the Chittagong port to international standards. Bangladesh was desirous of leasing the operations of Mongla Port, and both Bharat and China bid for the same.
The contract was awarded to Bharat, much to China’s annoyance, as this would have given PLAN a more significant toehold in the Bay of Bengal. Thus far, this part of the Indo-Pacific has been free from geopolitical jostling for strategic superiority between the US and China. None of their warships are present on a regular basis, which permits Bharat much freedom of operations of the Eastern Naval Command and also DRDO for conducting trials of long-range missiles.
Myanmar
An important maritime and land neighbour of Bharat, Myanmar has been witnessing internal turmoil for years. The governance has swung between military rule and democracy. For the past few years, the military has been in power. Various armed ethnic groups have come together and are combating the Tatmadaw. The northeastern states of Bharat have land borders with Myanmar and share ethnic linkages. Historically, ethnicity has been one of the factors for insurgency in the states of Nagaland, Manipur and Mizoram. The recent turbulence in Manipur has resulted from ethnic clashes and possibly external influence,[6] highlighting the geopolitical sensitivity of Bharat’s northeastern states.
Instability in Myanmar has created multiple challenges for Bharat. One of these is the illegal influx of Rohingya Muslims. Some of these Rohingya have been recruited by known terrorist groups based in Pakistan with linkages in Bangladesh. On the economic front, if Bharat has to achieve its goal of becoming a $5 trillion economy, stability in Myanmar is an essential pre-requisite. At present, bilateral trade is approximately $2 billion;[7] however, there is potential for access to mineral resources necessary for the high-tech industry. Bharat has actively partnered with Myanmar through BIMSTEC, ASEAN, and Mekong Ganga Cooperation, which adds significance to its ‘Act East’ policy.
There is also a China-Pakistan aspect to Myanmar. Pakistan sold ten fighters (of Chinese origin) to Myanmar in 2018 and is likely to supply ten more with the tacit approval of China. China is Myanmar’s largest trading partner. It has invested in high-speed railway lines, dams, a $2.5 billion gas-fired power plant and the construction and control of Kyauk Phyu port. This is part of China’s Maritime Silk Road. An oil pipeline approx. 1060 km long, runs from this port to the Kunming oil refinery in Yunnan province of China. The port serves as an essential transit for West Asian oil for China and mitigates its Malacca dilemma to some extent. The port receives and transports 400,000 barrels of crude per day.
Additionally, a major natural gas terminal and pipeline were built by Daewoo ROK for Myanmar Oil and Gas Enterprise in Shwe (close to Kyaukphyu). It can pump 12 bn cubic meters of natural gas annually, mainly to China via Maday Island.[8] The Chinese have also constructed a railway line between Kunming and Kyaukphyu, which has been operational since 2021. This project will also connect with the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transit Transport project via a 311 km link from Kyaukphyu in the north to Ann in the south and then southeast to Minbu.
It is helpful to dive deep into Indo-Pacific issues here. Having realised its minimal dominance in the Bay of Bengal and been left out of BIMSTEC, ASEAN, and Quad, China has put much effort into Myanmar’s development and other investments. Kyaukpyu port could also be used by the PLAN, thereby allowing possible entry and sustenance in the Bay of Bengal and making the ‘String of Pearls’ strategy around Bharat more realistic. It already has a presence through the Bangladesh port in Chittagong, which has a submarine base that operates Chinese-built submarines.
According to Rachel Cecilia of APU, Beppu, Japan, these developments have been causing concerns in Washington, whose larger apprehension is the Chinese attempt to reshape the world order. Consequently, the US has gradually been increasing its influence in the Bay of Bengal littorals with the possible future presence of the US Navy to mitigate increasing Chinese influence. The recent upstaging of Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina of Bangladesh and installing a pro-US Advisor and a military-backed interim government appear to have resulted from these apprehensions. The US has also budgeted $75 million for funding an insurgent group in Myanmar, which is fighting against the Junta along with other groups. These events in the Bay of Bengal littorals reflect the beginning of geopolitical jostling between the US and China for supremacy. Bharat cannot sit idle since peace and stability in the region are germane to its trade and prosperity.
Sri Lanka
Bharat and Sri Lanka share centuries-old civilisational ties dating back to the Ramayana. Sri Lanka’s strategic location makes it lucrative for maritime powers to maintain good relations with Sri Lanka. The Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCS) in the Indian Ocean, from or to the Cape, the Strait of Hormuz, and Malacca pass near Sri Lanka. Dondra Head also serves as an important navigational feature to all seafarers. A traffic separation scheme is enforced closer to Dondra Head. It limits the speed and lateral separation between vessels in reciprocal traffic. As the closest neighbour, Bharat holds great significance to the Sri Lankan population. Education, trade, commerce, infrastructure, security, healthcare, etc., are closely knit.
Since China’s rise as an economic powerhouse, it has been fanning out in the IOR littorals for a few reasons. Firstly, it imports nearly 80% of hydrocarbons through the Indian Ocean and therefore, energy security depends on secure Sea Lanes of Communication. Secondly, it has increased its trade interests in Africa and South America, necessitating its merchantmen to traverse these waters. Thirdly, this economic rise has also enhanced China’s ambitions to become a global power by possibly displacing the US from the leadership of the existing international order. On its way to achieving those objectives, China has Bharat to tackle, with whom it has ongoing land boundary disputes. China has attempted for years to encircle Bharat with what has come to be known as the ‘String of Pearls’. For that necklace to be complete, its toehold in Sri Lanka is essential. Historically, there are mentions of Chinese travellers visiting Sri Lanka for trade. Recently, China has assisted Sri Lanka in building its infrastructure, mainly roads and ports. But it hasn’t been through financially transparent loans. They are attached with higher interest rates and very stiff penalty clauses, should they be unable to pay back on scheduled time. This has been China’s strategy of economic coercion the world over.[9] Sri Lanka’s default in repayment of loans to China resulted in them giving complete control of two critical ports, Hambantota and Colombo South, to China, which has added to Bharat’s security concerns given our tense relations with China on land borders.
Apart from merchantmen, PLAN ships and submarines have become more frequent visitors of IOR. Additionally, the Ocean Research Vessels berthed in these ports upon completing their excursion in the entire IOR. Not only are they capable of recording hydrological data and mapping seabed resources, including minerals, but they also have antennas that can record electromagnetic emissions, particularly during long-range trials/practice of missile launches by Bharat in the IOR. This data can be used during actual conflict wherein hydrological data helps plan the deployment of submarines and programming of torpedo launch parameters. The electromagnetic emission records can compromise the launch of long-range missiles and provide the adversary with adequate time for countermeasures. The scenario gets complicated when the Pakistan nexus is factored in, as this brings Bharat’s two adversaries and mitigates surprise during Bharat’s offensive actions. Therefore, solutions for Bharat’s Armed Forces become more complex.
Bharat and Sri Lanka have several security cooperation agreements and mechanisms that create guardrails against such possibilities. However, how the powers in Sri Lanka will turn under pressure from China remains to be seen. Bharat has recently bailed out Sri Lanka from an acute financial crisis and has joint maritime patrol agreements that address common traditional and non-traditional security threats; only time will deliver the outcomes. After a significant political debacle in Sri Lanka, the island nation has had a free and fair election and has chosen a president from a left-leaning political party. However, the incoming president has assured Bharat of its security concerns.[10]
Maldives
Maldives is yet another small but strategically significant maritime neighbour Bharat has historically supported in peacetime and in times of turbulence, both in the economic and security dimensions. President Gayoom, who ruled for over thirty years as almost an authoritarian leader, won six consecutive elections and established good neighbourly relations with Bharat.
Being a chain of 26 atolls southwest of Bharat, which stretches across the equator (1 degree South of the Equator to 8 degrees North), it is considered a toll gate to the Indian Ocean. Two vital sea lanes pass very close to the islands. Through the northern group of islands is the Gulf of Aden- Straits of Hormuz- Straits of Malacca SLOC maritime trade route, which is critical to world trade, both energy and bulk commerce. It is crucial for Bharat since 50% of trade and 80% of hydrocarbon imports traverse these SLOCs in the Arabian Sea. Maldives is at the forefront of Bharat’s ‘Neighborhood First’ policy and SAGAR (Security And Growth for All in the Region). Another important aspect is the proximity of Maldives to the Lakshadweep & Minicoy islands of Bharat. It, therefore, acts as India’s forward defence in the South West Indian Ocean. The northernmost island of Maldives is only 70 nautical miles (approx. 140 km) from Minicoy Island. Any Chinese presence in Maldives would be detrimental to Bharat’s security. Any Chinese surveillance system in these islands can expose aerial activities in Bharat’s southern peninsula. Also, it can leave Bharat’s trade routes vulnerable to Chinese interdiction.
Bharat has done much for the development of the Maldives. 70% of MNDF is trained in Bharat, and Bharat has created the capacities and capability for their maritime security. Bharat provides many infrastructure projects, including roads, ports, airports, hospitals, medical evacuation assets, higher education in Bharat, high-impact community development projects, day-to-day usage items supply, etc. Bharat also used its military on their request to quelch a mercenary-led coup, provide humanitarian assistance in acute shortages of fresh water, evacuate a tsunami, etc. Bharat has also extended financial support to the Maldives, including a USD 400 million credit line and USD 100 million in aid, to aid the country’s economic recovery.[11]
However, since the Maldives adopted a democratic form of governance through the direct election of an executive president and vice president, the leadership has alternated between pro-Bharat and pro-China approaches. While President Nasheed was Bharat-friendly, Yameen was heavily China-leaning. President Solih was more inclined to protect Bharat’s security concerns. However, the present President, Mr Moizzu, who won an ‘India Out’ campaign, has demonstrated a heavy China-leaning approach by reactivating Chinese projects and falling for PLA’s offers. However, the public uproar against his policies made him realise the importance of maintaining close and friendly relations with Bharat for the daily survival of Maldives citizens and her economy. During his recent official visit to Bharat, several agreements were signed, including Economic agreements to bail out the Maldives from a debt trap.[12] Much will depend upon President Moizzu’s continuing with these agreements and not succumbing to economic and military coercion by China. Bharat has always pursued a friendly foreign policy with its neighbours. All projects for the public good are progressing on time.
Pakistan
Pakistan has yet to cease its support to terror groups based in their country. Immediately after a democratically elected government took office in J&K, there were two terror attacks in the valley, killing innocent civilians.
The country is in a deep financial and political crisis, yet it has the quiet support of both China and the US. China supplies the entire range of weapon platforms and systems,[13] whereas the US hangs on to Pakistan to retain its global leadership position and monitor Afghanistan. The US presence in Pakistan also helps monitor any Russian attempt to utilise warm-water ports in the Arabian Sea, which could enhance Russia’s ability to challenge the US Navy.
Pakistan continues with a cease-fire on LOC with Bharat, though terrorist infiltration supported by the Pakistan Army/ISI continues unabated. Bharat has declined to engage in talks with Pakistan till the terror activities cease. In the recent visit of Bharat’s External Affairs Minister to Islamabad for the SCO meeting, it was made amply clear that no bilateral talks were on the agenda.[14]
The Pakistan challenge will remain for Bharat. The supply of Chinese-built submarines and warships to Pakistan has commenced. It is expected that the navies of China and Pakistan could jointly shrink the manoeuvring space for the Indian Navy and put their activities under surveillance. The Arabian Sea has become a hotbed for future maritime conflict, with China now virtually owning Gwadar at the mouth of the Gulf of Oman (outside the Strait of Hormuz). China also has a presence in Djibouti at the mouth of the Red Sea. China’s presence in the Strait of Malacca, through its involvement in reclaiming smaller islands and constructing Malacca Port for Malaysia, will see Chinese presence in all three choke points in the Indian Ocean through which traverses world trade and warships of many countries. This provides China with a substantial strategic advantage, which not only Bharat but the US should be highly wary of. Any desire to restrict Chinese ship movement through these choke points in the US could become a pipe dream. The US has already lost its supremacy in the South China Sea, where the Chinese are very aggressive and flouting all international conventions and laws of the Sea. The China-Pakistan combination in the Arabian Sea will bring its own set of challenges and make the Indian Navy’s deployments more complex.
Nepal and Bhutan
These two landlocked countries have trade and commerce access to the Bay of Bengal through Bharat and Bangladesh. Therefore, geopolitical dynamism has a direct impact on their prosperity, too. These two countries are also members of BIMSTEC, a multilateral forum, and the BBIN transit arrangement.
Nepal and Bhutan also have land borders with Tibet. They act as buffers between Bharat and China, as China has now occupied Tibet. Both have cultural and civilisational linkages with Bharat and depend on Bharat for trade, travel, communication and economic development. The Chinese have been coercing them for years to bind them in an economic bond and then extract access through their country towards Bharat’s land borders, particularly near the Siliguri corridor, should they fail to repay. As of now, Bhutan does not have diplomatic relations with China.
Nepal has been a democracy since the collapse of the monarchy and the surfacing of Maoists out of underground operations. Today, the Maoists in Nepal are a reasonably strong political party. Whenever they are the more significant partners in a coalition government, Nepal tends to lean towards China. The Chinese have penetrated critical infrastructure, including communication in Nepal, which gives them surveillance ability throughout the Nepal-Bharat border. The Nepali Congress and Madhesi are more sympathetic to India’s concerns. This has been the trend.[15]
Since the Bhutanese King abdicated in favour of parliamentary democracy, the trend of one of the two parties has been more sympathetic to Chinese demands. Right now, discussions are afoot for ownership of some parts of northern Bhutan which the Chinese lay claim to by quoting some fictitious history, mainly self-written.[16] Bharat is the source of Bhutan’s economy and the everyday living of their citizens. As far as Nepal is concerned, there is road connectivity at many crossing points and an oil pipeline which supplies petroleum products permanently, which fuels their economy. Despite that, Nepal continues to hedge its bets between Bharat and China.
Overall Geopolitical Imperatives
India’s geopolitical environment is challenging. While the maritime domain needs 24/7 awareness to ensure safe and secure Sea Lanes Of Communication for Bharat’s economy to attain the $5 trillion mark soon, continental Bharat requires deft diplomacy by assisting these two neighbours and Bangladesh by providing public goods and access to all forms of connectivity that are citizen-centric irrespective of the party in power and their leanings. It also calls for a constant dialogue with the opposition parties in the neighbourhood to address their apprehensions.
China remains a significant source of concern regarding unresolved land borders and its coercive strategy in the string of pearls. While negotiations and talks must continue, the preparedness of the Armed Forces should deter the adversary from any offensive, both at sea and on land borders.
Bharat’s strategic autonomy and concept of ‘Vasudhaiv Kutumbakam’ should hold us in good stead. Cooperative mechanisms, e.g. QUAD, Malabar exercises, IMEEC, I2U2, BIMSTEC, Colombo Security Conclave, BBIN, connectivity projects like Kaladan Multimodal Project, BRICS, SCO, bilateral agreements with all neighbouring countries which have economic and security benefits to neighbours, IPMDA, IPEF, ASEAN mechanism, Arctic Council, G- 20, Chahbahar connectivity project with Iran and Afghanistan (subsequently Central Asia), INSTC connectivity to Eurasia and many more. These should be pursued vigorously since they have long-term benefits for all participants.
During Bharat’s climb to become a major economy and military power, developed countries, such as the US and Canada, will create obstructions on account of their self-proclaimed protectors of democratic norms while flouting them themselves. These must be handled with firmness and intelligent diplomacy. The indulgence of big powers in the neighbourhood, such as Bangladesh and Myanmar, should be analysed, and guardrails should be placed to prevent collateral impact on Bharat.
China will attempt to tie down Bharat in domestic and near neighbourhood issues to retard her progress since it helps hasten her progress toward challenging the USA.
However, India’s strength lies in its robust leadership under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, his capable team of ministers, and an efficient governance apparatus. A strong and apolitical Armed Forces serve as a vital instrument for diplomacy and must be leveraged to enhance India’s international standing.
At this critical juncture, India’s citizens and political parties must rise above petty politics and work collectively to build a robust and prosperous nation. While the challenges are manifold, India is well on its way to claiming its rightful place in the global order.
As Lord Curzon, Viceroy of India from 1899 to 1905, once remarked regarding India’s relations with its neighbours: “India must maintain close relations with its maritime neighbours. It must aim to intertwine their economies and security within its own architecture so that the region’s growth and prosperity are seen as one. India’s security threats from larger powers like China in the northern areas can be neutralised by maintaining a strong maritime presence. If India loses its close connectivity with its maritime neighbours, and thus its ability to apply pressure on Chinese trade in the Indian Ocean, China will increasingly threaten India’s northern borders, which could lead to territorial losses.”
India must remember these lessons as it navigates its path forward in the complex geopolitical landscape of the 21st century.
Author Brief Bio: Vice Admiral Shekhar Sinha, PVSM, AVSM, NM, and Bar (Retd) is the Chairman of the Board of Trustees of India Foundation. During his distinguished career, he has served as the Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Western Naval Command, responsible for maritime security of Sea Lanes of Communication in the Arabian Sea, the Gulf of Aden, and the Persian Gulf. Before that, he was the Chief of Integrated Defence Staff for the Chiefs of Staff Committee (CISC).
References:
[1] Shukla, Prateek. “IMF’s Gita Gopinath says India could become 3rd largest economy by 2027.” Business Standard, August 16, 2024. https://www.business-standard.com/economy/news/imf-s-gita-gopinath-says-india-could-become-3rd-largest-economy-this-year-124081601117_1.html
[2] PRS Legislative Research. India’s Neighbourhood First Policy. https://prsindia.org/policy/report-summaries/india-s-neighbourhood-first-policy
[3] Ministry of External Affairs. “Mission SAGAR: A Major Milestone in India’s Engagement with IOR Countries.” Press Release. July 1, 2020. https://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/32803/
[4] FP Explainers. “What is Jamaat-e-Islami, the Pakistan-backed group, that fuelled the Bangladesh crisis.” Firstpost, August 8, 2024. https://www.firstpost.com/explainers/what-is-jamaat-e-islami-the-pakistan-backed-group-that-fuelled-the-bangladesh-crisis-13802285.html
[5] Akinrebiyo, Femi. “Bangladesh’s Leap from Poverty to Textile Powerhouse Offers Lessons for Countries in Africa.” World Economic Forum, February 16, 2024. https://www.weforum.org/agenda/2024/02/how-bangladesh-offers-lessons-for-sustainable-industrialization-in-africa/
[6] Vasisht, Cchavi. “Assessing Internal and External Factors Leading to Instability in Manipur.” Vivekananda International Foundation, October 3, 2023. https://www.vifindia.org/article/2023/october/03/Assessing-Internal-and-External-Factors-Leading-to-Instability-in-Manipur
[7] The Observatory of Economic Complexity. India (IND) and Burma (MMR) Trade. https://oec.world/en/profile/bilateral-country/ind/partner/mmr
[8] Cameron, Shaun. “Why is Myanmar’s New Deep-Sea Port Such Hot Property?” Lowy Institute, November 22, 2023. https://www.lowyinstitute.org/the-interpreter/why-myanmar-s-new-deep-sea-port-such-hot-property
[9] Chellaney, Brahma. “China’s Debt-Trap Diplomacy.” Project Syndicate, January 23, 2017. https://www.project-syndicate.org/commentary/china-one-belt-one-road-loans-debt-by-brahma-chellaney-2017-01
[10] Srinivasan, Meera. “Jaishankar Meets President Dissanayake, Reaffirms India’s ‘Full Support’ in Sri Lanka’s Economic Recovery.” The Hindu, October 4, 2024. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/jaishankar-meets-president-dissanayake-assures-indias-continued-support-in-sri-lankas-economic-rebuilding/article68717585.ece
[11] Indian Express. Indian Bank Extends $400 Million Credit for Greater Male Connectivity Project, October 12, 2020. https://indianexpress.com/article/india/greater-maldives-connectivity-project-6721899/
[12] Ministry of External Affairs. “Visit of President of Maldives to India (October 6-10, 2024).” Press Release. October 4, 2024. https://www.mea.gov.in/press-releases.htm?dtl/38373/Visit+of+President+of+Maldives+to+India+October+610+2024
[13] Pandita, Kashi Nath. “From J-10C Fighters to Submarines, How is ‘Heavily Indebted’ Pakistan Acquiring Latest Military Hardware?” The Eurasian Times, May 5, 2024. https://www.eurasiantimes.com/heavily-indebted-pakistan-begs-and-borrows/
[14] Kugelman, Michael. India’s Jaishankar Makes Rare Trip to Pakistan. Foreign Policy, October 16, 2024. https://foreignpolicy.com/2024/10/16/india-jaishankar-pakistan-islamabad-sco-summit/
[15] Mulmi, Amish Raj. All Roads Lead North: Nepal’s Turn to China. London: Hurst Publishers, 2021.
[16] Haidar, Suhasini. “Bhutan-China Border Demarcation Talks Inching towards Completion: Bhutan PM Tshering.” The Hindu, October 8, 2023. https://www.thehindu.com/news/national/bhutan-china-border-demarcation-talks-inching-towards-completion-bhutan-pm-tshering/article67392769.ece
