~ By Sandeep Mahapatra

You would think that one of the first State to be formed  11 years prior to independence would have taken  pole position in today’s India but the truth is the state lags behind on all parameters of development. Majority of the villages are still waiting for the most basic amenities of the modern times.  The ornament like eulogies of peace loving, mineral rich etc etc. are used as alibi to cover up such anomalies.  Odisha of the present day is a far cry from what it should have been in its more than eight decades of its being.

The recent incidences of a tribal man carrying his dead wife as the hospital authorities refused to provide an ambulance, and another one where an 80 year old dead woman being subjected to the ignominy of being broken into two, to be able to be carried on a pole are just but two instances of many such tragedies that may have gone unreported.  Scores of children have died due to Japanese Encephalitis in Malkangiri district in a span of 15 days or which speaks volumes about the health care  system or absence thereof in the State. In all such instances except for making the customary statement, the Govt. of the day in the State has done little to remedy the situation.

They highlight the widespread despair of the state led by a government  that boasts of policies “from cradle to the grave”. Nothing could be far from the truth. Of late, the  refrain has been that a commoner is living on “ dole outs”. The BJD Govt. that tom toms, at the drop of a hat, tom toms that it provides rice at Rs.2 a kilo and meals at Rs. 5 a plate. But visit to any district in the western Odisha region will tell you a an entirely different story, tragic taleswhere every year thousands of menfolk with the entire family in tow, are forced to migrate to Andhra Pradesh, Telangana and Tamil Nadu for more than six months of back breaking labour in brick kilns, live in shelters with under conditions worse than shanties, and often denied even their dues for the work they do. They are cheated, humiliated, beaten up and left to fend for themselves, only to  to return the next year to the same life so that they could repay the advance they had taken the previous year from the owner. The vicious cycle continues year on year…so much for a state that boasts about countless welfare scheme.

Travesty that seizes the poor could not be more amplified than in Odisha.

These are only a few instances indicative of the fact that the state is plagued with acute poverty. Let us not forget the countless farmer suicide that went unnoticed last year as the national media turned a blind eye to this despicable situation.

The situation is no different in the coastal districts either, considered as a region better off than the western districts. A month or two back, reports of severe malnutrition in many villages of Jajpur District were widely reported in the local media. As chance would have it, this even caught the attention of of the TRP motivated national media. .

The fundamental questions – what ails the State? Why Odisha has lagged behind despite having the potential and resources to do much better? Why it is that a state with more than 3.5 Crore population has failed to live upto the expectation of its people???

These are pertinent questions and anyone having some amount of interest in the state will be able to answer, rather these questions are often being posed by all those who eulogise about the history of the state especially on its foundation day;April 1. The state of affairs is not taken as a challenge but rhetoric, perhaps may be because such speakers don’t want to face the reality and/or have no answer/s for these oft-posed questions.

Decades back, the Odia State Board school education system, the text books mentionedHirakud Reservoir and Rourkela Steel plant as the marvels of the state post independence. Close to three decades now, these are the only two landmark developmental work that comes to any average Odia’s mind. Both these landmarks were constructed more than 50 years back, barring the Paradip Port, a DRDO research centre, afew engineering and medical colleges, no new additions were made which could have contributed in the field of education or employment. Post independence, the only avenue that an Odia person could have looked for was a Govt. job with little or no scope for promotion of entrepreneurshipwhich could be one of the reasons for lack of entrepreneurial zeal in the state that subsists till date.

At the political leadership level some leaders did comeup to the national stage and it would be wrong not to acknowledge their efforts for the state, but overall, for many of them it was more of self preservation than interest of the state that took precedence. Added to this, the fact that the state has only a handful of seats in the Lok Sabha meant that in terms of power play also, it mattered little. Though MPs of the state have gone on to become Ministers at the Centre, they have not held significant positions, barring exceptions, to wield power that could tilt the balance in favour of Odisha

According to one estimate, Odisha government had signed MoUs with 92 companies during the period between 2000 and 2014. And only 41 industries have started partial production so far. These 41 units which have started partial production include 35 steel units, three power plants and one each in aluminium, cement and auto-ancillary sector. Most of the power, aluminium and steel projects happen to be facing land acquisition hurdles and acute shortage of raw material. Another estimate reveals that close to 95 MoUs were signed during the period between 2000 and 2012. Quite a reflection on the state of affairs in Odisha.

As we all know, signing MoUs is not difficult  as Odisha has been favourable investment destination, both domestic and foreign. This investment inflow is not because of the investor friendly nature of the dispensation of the state here else they would have all seen the light of the day. They come to the state because Odisha has minerals.

It is home to about 33 percent of the iron ore reserves, 55 percent of bauxite, 25 percent of coal, 40 percent of manganese and 95 percent of chromite in the country. Government’s industrialisation plans from the very start were almost entirely dependent on large scale extraction and exploitation of the state’s mineral resources which incidentally are located in the tribal heartland, which has constantly been vulnerable to radical movements, armed or otherwise. The tribal people account for a whopping 24 percent of the state’s population. Consideration of the potential trouble areas did not precede signing of the MoUs, resulting in a staggering gap between promise and delivery of the industrial projects.

In the last two years Odisha government has brought two policy documents: a new ICT Policy- 2014 and Industrial Policy Resolution -2015. Projecting on the new ICT Policy, Chief Minister claimed: “In fact, we target to create one lakh jobs in IT sector in the next five years. It is a matter of pride that growth rate of IT exports from the state is more than the national growth rate for last many years. Bhubaneswar has equally made good progress in IT SEZ sector too.”

How so we wish that the state government also brings out white papers on the promises it made and abysmal failures due to lack of political will.

Apart from the two high profile policy resolutions, the government has organized two highly hyped investor’s meets in Mumbai and Bengaluru in this year.  In the investors’ meet of Mumbai on February 14, held as part of the Make in India Week, there is media reportage of Odisha bagging Rs 70,959 crore investment commitments, including around Rs 30,000 crore investments in the mineral sector and the rest in areas like food processing, electronics, textiles and renewable energy. In the subsequent two-day investors’ meet of Bengaluru on August 25 & 26, the government has boasted of holding discussions with at least 66 companies and attracting investment as much as Rs 90,490 crore.

 A reality check of the proclaimed endeavours for industrialisation and employment generation during a prolonged tenure of the present dispensation discloses least progress on the ground, due to lack of political vision and sincerity. The regional equilibrium in terms of expanding upstream manufacturing base in the Western part,   fostering   downstream industrial infrastructure in the coastal belt, building multi-mode line of communication between the two regions and promoting service sector with special focus on tourism across the geographical expanse should be the ideal development blueprint of the State. The key in realising this objective lies in keeping the provincial policy approach in sync with lager development efforts of the central government which presently entrust foremost emphasis on industrialisation in the Eastern India and on its unique Sagar Mala project in Peninsular India. On the contrary, Odisha leadership joins the path of Chief Ministers elsewhere, whotry to project themselves as future alternatives to current national eldership by making false projections of their respective provincial development endeavours.   However, the hard reality is that achievement of substantive progress in a province is the stepping stone for elevation of concerned provincial leadership into national one. Gujarat is clear a testimony to this commonsensical wisdom.

The ground level implementation of the even Central schemes are in a shambles. It seems the vested interest wish to perpetuate poverty and underdevelopment. It is needless to reaffirm that Odisha has been deliberately kept poor and her people have been forced to suffer from deprivation and indignity, despite being rich in culture, natural resource, forest cover, marine space, attractive tourism potential, unique handicraft, ancient trading background, and above all historically powerful statecraft (political admistration, for instance, Kalinga is one of the oldest states in the human history).People in ground have been compelled to become dependent on ready help from outside, instead ofbeing ensured with constructive avenues, sense of self help, and enterprising work culture. Since independence most of its ruling elites except few statesmen are responsible for this state of affairin Odisha.

The policy documents and the investor’s meet (people often call them jamborees for the favourites of the current regime in the state) are merely pie in the sky. The adage – all sound and fury and no substance – sums up the rule of the BJD in the state. The present governing dispensation has hammered the final nail to the coffin.

And the innocent masses have no option but to carry them by themselves. Change in the need. Change is the demand.

Over the past 500 years, the Indian Ocean region lost control of its geo-political and geo-economic relevance. First the entire region was subjugated to colonial dictates, and then in the post-colonial era, to cold war concerns and global power plays. You will agree with me that currently the global political and economic balance of power is undergoing tectonic shifts and major re-adjustments are in the offing. Single power and duopoly appear to be a thing of the past, and for the first time in five centuries economic power in the world is moving again towards Asia.

Aside from which the global financial system is moving away from a single currency (the dollar) dominated international system towards a multi-currency international system. New sources of investment capital are reducing western dominance. New consumer markets and the expansion of the Asian middle class are changing the traditional focus of markets.

Several megatrends are also poised to enhance on this shift.

First, it is expected that the individual will be empowered due to reduction in poverty, the rise of the middle classes, the ICT revolution and widespread use of communication technology, the social media and better health care.

Second, there will be a diffusion of power with the uni-polar world – giving way to a multi-polar one – based on networks, coalitions and alliances.

Third, demographic changes, aging populations will impact on economic growth of certain countries.

Fourth, the demand for food, water and energy resources will increase substantially with the growth of the global population.

And fifth, climate change and shifts in the environment will impact on economies across regions. This re-adjustment is increasingly evident in the economic forecast for the next few decades.

We can all tangibly feel how Asia is growing at a tremendous pace.

The wealth and technology gap between the West and the East has narrowed significantly by the sheer weight of numbers in Asia. By the year 2030, it is estimated that Asia will surpass North America and Europe combined, in terms of global power based on GDP, population size, military spending and technological investment. Of the four largest economies of the world – China, US, India and Japan, three are located in Asia.

This global power transition to Asia creates both opportunities and challenges for Asia as whole and the Indian Ocean in particular. This Conference, therefore, is timely and significant.

This transition in global power can be traced to the economic awakening of East Asia, driven by the growth of China and the complementary growth of ASEAN countries – particularly Indonesia and Vietnam. Yet, parallel to that, the US had built close economic alliances and military arrangements with Asia-Pacific countries.

Of course by 2008 there were setbacks suffered by the Western economies. This then challenged the western dominance of the global order and has led to an emerging multi-polar global order.

Now, the US is proposing the furtherance of a single combined security strategy for the two Asian oceans – the Indian and the Pacific.

Will this create a super region with Maritime Asia at its centre? Obviously this will have new implications for Asian security.

This is highlighted by the emergence of such concepts as the Indo-Pacific and more recently the Indo-Asia-Pacific.

The question that remains is – whether such a region – on the scale of the Indo-Pacific or the Indo-Asia-Pacific is viable?

The leading American political scientist and political economist, Francis Fukuyama in a recent interview remarked and I quote:

“Asia is polycentric, multipolar, and constantly evolving. There is no uniformity in Asia in terms of geopolitics and culture and each of those countries is a separate world to itself, even as it overlaps in trade and commerce with its neighbors and with the United States. It is a challenge for Americans to keep up with that region.”

The disparate nature of Asia not only in terms of size, resources, diversity and interests of both regional and extra regional states, but also growing militarisation, historical disputes and strategic mistrust, pose serious challenges to the emergence of a viable and sustainable strategic security order.

There will be resistance to any single country attempting to unilaterally shape the strategic order of the region. Yet building political will and strategic trust and the institution of institutional structures are all prerequisites for such an inclusive multilateral strategic security order that can respond in case of any emergency.

But in reality, these two oceans of Asia also make for two distinct spheres of influence within the Asian continent, each maintaining separate sophisticated trading and political systems while interacting with each other.

The Indian Ocean still has a heavy British influence- the Pacific has taken to American practices. We play cricket, they play baseball, the rest play football.

For instance, unlike the Indian Ocean, the Pacific Region has been intrinsic to US security. For this reason US Administrations from Presidents Franklin D Roosevelt to George W Bush have treated these two areas separately.

On the other hand – the countries in the Indian Ocean Region have historically been reluctant to join power blocs. Despite superior economic and military might, even during colonial times it was difficult to dictate the future of the Indian Ocean Region. The countries of the region have historically played a significant role in global trade and commerce, given rise to some of the great civilizations and religions of the world, and are home to unique and diverse cultures and histories. Whilst partnership and collaborative relationships were built with countries and civilizations outside the region, the region maintained its multi-polar characteristic.

To my mind, the notion of Indo-Pacific or the Indo Asia-Pacific appears destined to remain a more conceptual rather than a realistic premise. The collapse of the Trans Pacific Partnership has further weakened the arguments for it.

In contrast, the Indian Ocean has emerged as one of the world’s busiest and most critical trade corridors, rapidly surpassing the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. Covering a vast global expanse – extending to East Africa in the West, Australia in the East, South Africa in the South, the Indian Ocean is well poised to regain its influence in world politics and the global economy.

The Indian Ocean Region has always been a significant playing field for big powers. Historically it has also been a bridge between the East and West.

Today the region is acquiring an intrinsic significance of its own. The Atlantic basin is declining. Central Asia and Africa have yet to evolve into mature political economies. The Middle East is in turmoil and Latin America is also undergoing a somewhat troubled growth. The Pacific basin – particularly the Eastern Pacific is very dynamic but it has its own latent instabilities such as the South China Sea and East China Sea disputes, developments in North Korea, increasing militarisation of disputes and the absence as yet of regional institutions to bring coherence to the political economy of the area. So it is possible to argue that the Indian Ocean Region has an extraordinary opportunity to create something new in the global context and something historically uniquely beneficial to its people.

Already, the ASEAN nations are on the ascent in the eastern side of the Indian Ocean. Three ASEAN members control the sea-lanes linking the Indian Ocean to the Pacific.

Moreover, South Asia is also kindling underpinned by the growth of India, making it one of the fastest growing regions of the world. Since South Asia dominates the Indian Ocean and therefore this power transition in the Indian Ocean will be heavily influenced by South Asian developments.

Consequently, I see the South Asia and ASEAN countries presenting an emerging opportunity that can bring with it benefits similar to those that came in the past to the Atlantic and Pacific basins.

That is the challenge of the next decade or two.

Our responses will shape our destiny in the 21st Century. The cooperation and coordination between ASEAN and SAARC including the Ramayana Connection have given us strong cultural affinities. We have similar Governmental institutions and commercial practices. The English language is a link language. We have a huge cohort of youth more regionally conscious than their parents. We also have a lot of work to do in bringing these two groups together. More frank in-depth discussions; On-going dialogue at the highest levels. We must not allow the internal disputes and differences of these multilateral organisations to impede the collective relationships between the two groups. It also challenges SAARC to reach a higher level of cooperation than what we have been able achieve so far.     The opportunities are there – waiting to be exploited – and with ingenuity we should be able to forge ahead.

The multi-polar world we live in will be dominated by the competition among the five or six major global powers during the next two decades. It may well be a protracted undetermined contest. The Indian Ocean will be a major theatre of competition. But the multiplicity of contestants gives us – in the region – a margin of flexibility, which we must utilise to determine the regional order.

We must commit ourselves to an order based on the rights of all States to the freedom of navigation – the unimpeded lawful maritime commerce and over-flight. Our own futures and the futures of our extra-regional partners are therefore heavily invested in how strategic security is managed in the region. Many countries remain dependent on energy supplies and traded goods that are carried across the region.

Those who are geographically located in the region have a primary interest in the security of the Ocean, which is more often than not linked to their economies and the livelihoods of their people.

Managing competition and strengthening cooperation would be essential given both these economic and strategic security factors, which have a direct impact on the future of this region. This is something we cannot do alone.

There are major power interests at play particularly those of China and Japan. Middle power interest such as those of the Republic of Korea (ROK) and Australia. Nor have the US and the European entity relinquished their interest in the region.

As Fukuyama states, the West led by US will continue to project a tremendous amount of soft power globally due to strong institutions, continued stability and prosperity, high per capita GDP, dominance of the English language, technological lead, democratic traditions and culture.

It is time for Indian Ocean countries especially Asian nations to take the lead in determining their own future. It is our belief that an Indian Ocean Order needs to be crafted with accepted rules and agreements that would guide interactions between states.

This Order needs to be built on a consensual agreement and no singular State should dominate the system. The Indian Ocean Order would have the primary responsibility of upholding the freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean, ensuring that shipping and air routes to East Asia and beyond are kept open, building closer economic cooperation amongst countries in the region, incorporating an Indian Ocean Development Fund for development of the region, and in particular, establishing a strong Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Management mechanism to deal with natural and manmade disasters.

Today, IORA (the Indian Ocean Rim Association) the regional organization is not an effective force and has fallen short of expected levels of delivery with regard to regional cooperation. It is dormant when the strategic concepts concerning the Indian Ocean are being discussed.

What is required as a start is a dialogue between SAARC and ASEAN leaders. Indonesia, an ASEAN member also the current Chair of the IORA, can initiate this dialogue – spanning the IORA and all the interested major and middle powers.

The final objective will be the agreement on an Indian Ocean Order. A settled arrangement guiding the interaction between states to ensure the safety and security of the Indian Ocean and its lanes of communications. An Order established by consensual agreement for a peaceful maritime security space and the strengthening of Maritime Security cooperation for mutual benefit.

Such an Indian Ocean Order can only be consolidated by strong and meaningful regional cooperation. IORA’s present scope of meeting at official and ministerial level is insufficient for this purpose. This is where organizations such as the India Foundation have a role to play; To present proposals for closer cooperation.

Two of the areas requiring your efforts will be – firstly the establishment of an Indian Ocean Assembly. An Assembly which brings together inter alia Heads of State and Governments, leaders of political parties, officials, academics, intellectuals, non-governmental sectors, cultural and commercial leaders, media representatives, youth groups in order to recommend measures for consideration by the Indian Ocean region.

Secondly a programme for cooperation in Education and Human Capital Development. This single measure will make a significant contribution to the rapid development of the region.

Our task, then, is to begin building a political eco-system that is both prescriptive and preventive; prescriptive in that it creates a structure out of the natural affinities of geography, culture and resources that already exist; preventive in that it contains the inevitable local disputes and prevents them from disrupting or spilling over on to a common Indian Ocean agenda.

(The article is the gist of inaugural address by Shri Ranil Wickremesinghe, Hon’ble Prime Minister of Sri Lanka at the Indian Ocean Conference at Singapore on 1st September 2016.)