~ By Raghav Pandey

Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s recent visit to Bangladesh has added several new dimensions to the already flourishing bilateral relations between India and Bangladesh. History is witness to the fact that both the countries have generally shared a good relationship ever since Bangladesh came into being, although there have been periods of turbulence. The recent visit of PM Modi saw 22 agreements being signed between the two countries; this renewed upsurge is considered the watershed moment in the history of bilateral relations between the two countries.

The most significant factor which makes this visit stand out is the ratification of the long pending land boundary agreement. This has been a significant achievement considering the fact that this issue has been long outstanding and was actually inherited by Bangladesh at birth.

In addition to the above there were 20 other agreements signed which are of mutual benefit to both the countries. To begin with, an agreement between the Bangladesh Insurance Development and Regulatory Authority (IDRA) and Life Insurance Corporation now allows this Public Sector Undertaking of India to do business in Bangladesh as a joint venture which will be known as LIC Bangladesh Ltd. A similar proposal by the LIC was rejected two years earlier by the IDRA.

It is also pertinent to note that Bangladesh has recently featured in the list of eleven countries that are predicted to economically match the BRICS countries during the course of the 21^st century by Goldman Sachs. Bangladesh even while having a lower per capita GDP income than India has performed much better on social indicators. For instance the fertility rate of Bangladesh is almost at the replacement rate which effectively means that Bangladesh is headed towards a stable population.

Hence Bangladesh presents to us a model of economy where qualitative social output is possible with lesser per capita income. This model presents to the world an opportunity of tremendous economic growth. It would be pertinent to remember that a major portion of Bangladesh’s economy is driven by foreign investment.

Armed with a ‘neighbourhood first’ policy and resolute political will, India is on the right path to effectively facilitate the business potential of its friendly neighbour. The two countries renewed the bilateral trade agreement and inter alia inked a Memorandum of Understanding on Use of Chittagong and Mongla Ports, by the virtue of which, Indian vessels can now ship cargo directly to these ports, which can then be taken to Bangladesh and even North Eastern part of India. At present the position is such that the cargo is routed through Colombo or Singapore ports and hence there is no direct accessibility which ultimately contributes to the increase in cost of trading.

A memorandum of understanding on blue economy and maritime cooperation in the Bay of Bengal and the Indian Ocean was also was signed to boost cooperation in regional waters which will focus on skill development, capacity building, pollution response, tsunami and cyclone warning and fishing etc. India has a huge knowledge base backed with tremendous resources in the field of marine bio-technology unlike Bangladesh, and Dhaka hopes to benefit from this MoU in terms of knowledge sharing.

Both the countries also renewed a protocol on inland water transit and trade which will bring about a new system in accordance with the policy of World trade Organisation (WTO). There were two agreements signed for starting trans-border international bus services on the Dhaka-Shillong-Guwahati and Kolkata-Dhaka-Agartala routes. The primary beneficiaries of these agreements will be the people of the north-eastern states of India who are literally landlocked. The buses will significantly reduce the time taken to travel and will also promote tourism in the north-eastern states. This, to a great extent, allows transit through Bangladesh without saying so.

The field of security also saw MoUs being signed. The Coast Guards of both the countries pledged to prevent human trafficking and the smuggling and circulation of fake currency. These agreements were signed primarily in the backdrop of the incidents where militants have attacked India and sought refuge in Bangladesh. It is pertinent to note that, right after Sheikh Hasina took charge in 2009, her government has cracked down on such elements and handed over four terrorists to India who were wanted in India for organising attacks in North East India.

With a series of trade and investment agreements, India promised a $2 billion credit facility for Bangladesh which is to be utilised for infrastructure, power, health and education projects. This credit line is in addition to the already existing $1 billion credit facility between the two countries. The present bilateral trade between the two countries amounts to $6.5 billion but there is a huge trade imbalance, which favours India. The aim of these agreements is to balance that very deficit, by setting up industries in Bangladesh. The other MoU in line with this objective is on exclusive Indian economic zones in Bangladesh. This is also the first time a neighbouring country has allowed India such zones exclusively for Indian firms and hence Dhaka deserves accolades for the same.

In the field of power, Prime Minister Modi has pledged India’s support to Bangladesh in its goal of achieving an installed capacity of 24,000 megawatts (MW) by 2021. Towards this, Reliance Power has signed an agreement with the state run Bangladesh Power Development Board to produce 3,000 MW of electricity at a cost of $3 billion.

Other noticeable agreements were signed between the Bangladesh Standards and Testing Institution and Bureau of Indian Standards on cooperation in standardization. The Bangladesh Submarine Cable Company Limited and Bharat Sanchar Nagar Limited also signed an agreement for leasing international bandwidth for internet at Akhaura and by the University of Dhaka.

This visit and the subsequent agreements most certainly reaffirms the commitment made by both the countries to each other in Indo-Bangladeshi Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Peace in 1972 immediately after the independence of Bangladesh. This visit has strengthened the linkages between the countries and this, in times, will lead to South Asian outreach towards South East Asia, through India’s North East, which could be a huge positive for the economy of this entire region.

In the past India’s relations with Bangladesh have swayed with the government in Dhaka, it is essential to make the close ties and cooperation irreversible, so that the relationship thrives irrespective of the parties in power, both in New Delhi and Dhaka. It is therefore essential that the common man should start deriving benefits from the agreements signed and people to people contact between the two countries must increase and the economies must get intertwined so as to enable the populace of the two countries to enjoy the fruits of development.  This will make the close cooperation between the two countries immune to political uncertainties, which often prevail in South Asia.

Raghav Pandey is a Research Associate with India Foundation. The views expressed are his own. 

~ By Alok Bansal and Anjana Deepthi

In the early hours of 09 June 2015, when a group of soldiers from 21 Para Commandoes, a special force of the Indian Army carried out operations against terrorist camps along Myanmar border, it was a clear proclamation to the world that the terrorists and enemies of India could no longer hope to be safe, by just going across India’s borders. The operation, which was carried out with the cooperation of Myanmar Armed Forces, was a stupendous success. It eliminated around 50 insurgents at two different locations along Nagaland and Manipur border, without any injury to the security forces. The camps targeted, were Kanglei Yawol Kanna Lup (KYKL) camp along Manipur border and the National Socialist Council of Nagaland- Khaplang (NSCN-K) camp along Nagaland border. This surgical operation was in response to the ambush on Indian Army in Chandel District of Manipur on 04 June 2015, where 18 soldiers of the 6th Dogra Regiment were killed and 11 others were injured. The United Liberation Front of Western South East Asia (UNLFW) a conglomerate of North Eastern insurgent groups led by NSCN-K had claimed responsibility for the attack on Indian Army.

By responding so soon and in an alien and densely forested environment, the special forces of the Indian Army have clearly shown the capability to carry out such swift and lethal operations. It was always known that the Indian Army had such a capability, but what this operation has clearly shown is that the new dispensation in India also had the political will to retaliate against any attacks on its troops, citizens and property. It clearly showed that the Government of India was not willing to remain silent against such attacks. The operation has hugely boosted the morale of Indian security forces and has shown to the global community that a new India has arrived on the horizon, which could not be taken lightly. It showed to the world that India is unwilling to be bullied by non-state actors and suffer the consequences of cross-border terrorism.

Colonel Rajyavardhan Singh Rathore, the Minister of State for Information & Broadcasting, aptly conveyed the message that, it was not a game of Kabaddi, where an opponent could feel safe, just because he had crossed the line. This was clearly a signal to India’s other neighbours, some of which have been harbouring terrorists and sponsoring cross-border attacks. The Minister also confirmed that the operation took place with the cooperation and coordination of Myanmar. Although, the attack was entirely carried out by the Indian Army, the government and the Army in Myanmar was kept in the loop. The attack has opened a new chapter in India’s counter insurgency operations and will ensure that the non-state actors, especially in India’s North East will think many times before launching an attack on Indian citizens or security forces. In the past the modus operandi of these terrorists was to carry out an attack and cross the border. Once across they felt secure and could relax and recuperate. However, they would no longer be able to do so and feel safe across the borders.

North East of India has for long been a neglected area and the infrastructure in the borders has been abysmal. This gives the locals in the border areas of most of the North East states a feeling that they are ignored and no interest is shown by any political party towards their development and upliftment. This provides many of these underground movements space to thrive and grow. The recent successful visit of the Prime Minister to Dhaka and establishment of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN) transport connectivity, will transform this region and make it a hub of activity. This has frightened the insurgent groups, who realise that the development and growth of this region, through which Asian Highway and Railways will traverse to connect South Asia with South East Asia, will make them irrelevant. This has led to a sudden spurt in their activities.

The operation has also highlighted the efficiency of our intelligence agencies, whose good work is often not recognised due to the clandestine nature of their work. The immediate trigger for the operations was the intelligence reports that the rebels were planning many more attacks on Indian soil and a group of insurgents had also reached India through the porous borders to carry out these strikes.

Some people believe that such operations should not have been publicised, as these are primarily covert operations, but they seem to forget that this is a change. After decades of inactivity the government has decided to strike and this needed to be announced. And this could have only been done when Indian troops were operating in conjunction with a friendly country like Myanmar. In future, the modus operandi could be different, with an element of deniability thrown in. This operation has forced India’s enemies to sit up and take notice of Indian intent and capabilities. The resultant unease was clearly evident in resolutions being passed against India in state assemblies and parliament in Pakistan.

Alok Bansal is the Director of India Foundation; Anjana Deepthi is a Research Associate with India Foundation. The views expressed are their own.

~ By Sudarshan Ramabadran

Undoubtedly, one of the hallmarks of the present Prime Minister Narendra Modi led Government has been the discernible transformation in the foreign policy front. India has admirably transformed from pursuing a hesitant foreign policy for over six decades to a proactive and purposeful foreign policy in positioning herself as an emerging global superpower. Special emphasis has been witnessed in the form of the ‘Neighbourhood First Policy’, which has been armed with the goal of regional co-operation.

Subject experts debating and discussing the growth chart of South Asian countries have always argued and reasoned that South Asian countries have increasingly acknowledged that the regional approaches and common actions are essential to accomplish their development goals. This is the very purpose for SAARC to come into being. There are several benefits for regional cooperation, namely, a country’s economic system becomes regionally interconnected, speeds up economic growth, enables the fight to eliminate poverty and ensures generation of employment opportunities. Position papers have always focussed on the fact that countries like Nepal, Afghanistan and Bhutan often find it difficult to fund the large infrastructural projects making a regional approach more attractive. Study has also pointed out that South Asian governments have recently given greater attention to regional and global linkages. Countries like Bangladesh, Nepal and Bhutan have emphasized on regional connectivity in their respective policy decisions.

It is in this context that Prime Minister Narendra Modi elucidated his vision in his first ever address at the SAARC summit, wherein he stressed on the need to integrate the SAARC countries on four vital pillars rail, road, power and transit :

“Today goods travel from one Punjab to another Punjab through Delhi, Mumbai, Dubai and Karachi – making the travel eleven times longer and the cost four times more. India too has its share of its responsibility – because of our size and location. I know that many of your goods have to do a Parikrama of India to reach their destinations. Just think of what we are doing to our consumers and to the environment. We must shrink the distance between our producers and consumers and resort to using the direct routes of trade. I know India has to lead, we will do our part, I hope each of you will too.”

True to these words at the previous SAARC summit, efforts on behalf of PM Modi and the Government of India have never ceased; the Prime Minister’s recent visit to Bangladesh gave birth to the much needed SAARC sub-regional development plan, which has been in the offing from the 2010 SAARC Summit. In specific, the recent signing of the Coastal Shipping agreement between India and Bangladesh integrates Nepal and Bhutan and eventually leads to boosting economic co-operation, bilateral trade and most significantly people-to-people contacts. The agreement which was actually forged between India and Bangladesh in 2010 but signed now, serves as a critical stepping stone for opening connectivity, not only between Bangladesh and India, but also with Bhutan and Nepal, helping identify the most efficient regional and international transport routes. Yes, the successful forward movement of the sub regional grouping of Bangladesh, Bhutan, India and Nepal (BBIN) has made connectivity its priority in the form of the Coastal Shipping Agreement.

Soon after the signing of the agreement, India’s Foreign Secretary S. Jaishankar outlined the importance of such a coastal agreement with Bangladesh, “We see this as really a very key understanding that would allow us to use our common bay and each other’s waterways for movement of cargo. As of now, the bulk of our trade takes place across the land border, and to the extent that we have sea trade this is done through distant ports. The goods are taken to distant ports and then they are reloaded into feeder vessels which then bring them into Chittagong. What this Coastal Shipping Agreement would do is basically enable the direct regular movement of ships between India and Bangladesh, which would bring the shipping time down from 30 to 40 days on average to seven to 10 days.”, he said

India’s trade with Bangladesh has grown rapidly during the past few years. Bangladesh is now India’s largest trade partner in South Asia. As per the agreement, the opening up of the coastal route between India and Bangladesh is expected to provide an alternative route for the transportation of Exim (Export-Import) cargo between the two countries. Exim trade between India and Bangladesh would be benefited by way of reduction in freight charges. It will also improve the utilization of port capacities of Indian ports and open up new opportunity for Indian coastal vessels. It will also help in decongestion of roads especially at the Land custom stations and integrated check posts at the Indo-Bangladesh boarder.

The agreement also allows Bangladesh to engage with Nepal and Bhutan in the sphere of bilateral trade. This is one of the most vital takeaways from the BBIN agreement; improved connectivity will help increase in bilateral trade across the 4 countries which in turn will help the countries reap the benefits of growth. Indian Prime Minister’s commitment to ease of doing business and speeding up of infrastructure facilities in the borders will only add to India’s consistent and continuous efforts of maximizing India’s trade ties with her immediate neighbours.

At the 16th SAARC Summit in Thimphu, Bhutan in 2010, member countries declared 2010-2020 as the ―Decade of Intra-regional Connectivity in SAARC. They unanimously acknowledged the importance of developing transport infrastructure and transit facilities, especially for the landlocked countries as a means to promoting intra-SAARC trade. This agreement is a significant achievement to achieve the objective of intra-regional connectivity.

The Coastal Shipping Agreement integrating BBIN is a meaningful step initiated by India in realising the ancient virtue of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam – the entire world is one family. This also reiterates how by operating on the 5 pristine pillars, namely Samman – Dignity and honour, Samvad – greater engagement and dialogue, Samriddhi – Shared prosperity, Suraksha – regional and global security and Sanskriti evam Sabhyata – cultural and civilizational linkages, as outlined in the BJP’s Foreign policy resolution adopted in the party’s national executive meeting, the Government is blending foreign policy with national economic development. Finally, here is a concrete measure that has given new vigour to PM Modi’s strong belief in the shared future of our neighbourhood – Together we grow!

Sudarshan Ramabadran is a Research Associate with India Foundation. The views expressed are his own. 

~ By Sriharsha Masabathula

As Myanmar undergoes political and economic transition, India is keen on rediscovering its traditional role in the international community. As the international community moves to offer various synergies to support Myanmar’s on-going reform process, India has reaffirmed through its “Act-East” Policy that Myanmar is one of it’s most significant partners towards the East.

Historically, India and Myanmar were part of the same administrative setup during the colonial era. More significantly, the preeminence of Buddhism in Myanmar and Buddhism’s historical relationship with India, gives an average citizen of Myanmar a natural affinity towards India. It is often remarked that “Myanmar can get anything from any part of the world, but for Nirvana, it needs India”! Today Yangon, once famously known as Rangoon, houses the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal Emperor, where he died in Exile. The House of Memories is a delight to visit, with pictures of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose with the Burmese national hero General Aung San lined along the walls, signaling a strong bond of friendship and trust between them. More significantly, India is omnipresent in Myanmar, through food, celebration of Indian festivals, business, religion, language, and more, signifying a strong zeal of many present-day residents to stay connected to their Indian ancestrial roots.

Within India as well, Burma strikes a chord with many, particularly among the ancestry of many business communities. Even today, many places in South-India have localities named after Burma. The “Burma Bazaar” in Chennai is one of the most notable, but other smaller localities exist in many towns, such as the quiet “Burma Colony” in the coastal-town of Kakinada, Andhra Pradesh, where veterans stand ready to relay stories of themselves or their forefathers who traveled to Burma amidst testing circumstances to make a living, or sometimes a fortune. In recent times, many young Indian entrepreneurs are exploring the country’s vast business potential, often driven by passion to reconnect with experiences of their ancestors. The yearning for a more active connection from both sides stands deep today, and to negate the risk of losing this fragile link in the future, it is important to document and preserve the memories of our ancestors, and support those who are striving to reestablish and further strengthen that connection.

Geographically, the most obvious line of interaction between the two nations is of course, trade and commerce, through both road and sea-routes. Currently, the bilateral trade between India and Myanmar amounts to over USD 1 Billion, but there is enormous scope for enhancement, particularly through investment in infrastructure, and trade in commodities, pharmaceuticals, textiles etc. In terms of improving connectivity, which is a critical factor, the prospects look bright with the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project, which is expected to significantly reduce shipping time, paving way for increased collaboration, upon its completion in 2016. A tri-lateral highway is also being constructed across the Indian North-east, Myanmar and Thailand which will open up direct road access to Thailand from India, also facilitating a cost-effective entry into the ASEAN markets for Indian businesses and investments. Most urgently, however, an Indian bank is needed in Myanmar, which will not only provide incentive for more pro-active Indian investments in Myanmar, but also facilitate better accounting of existing trade and fund-transfers, which are presently routed through Banks in Singapore, or via other means.

Government-to-Government (G2G) cooperation has been on-going with Myanmar, most prominently over the last decade in various sectors such as defense, technology, skill-development and commerce. Various linkages have been established, for instance between the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and the Myanmar Computer Federation (MCF). Many exchange programs for capacity building activities and cooperation, particularly in the defense, governance and administration sectors are also underway. It is, however, widely perceived that the relationship though cordial, lacks intimacy. An important factor is to carefully shape the perception of Myanmar citizens on India as a partner, and if G2G initiatives are not reflected in civil society, India may lose-out on being acknowledged for its substantial contributions to Myanmar’s reform process.

Another important issue concerning India – Myanmar relations is the state of affairs on the border areas, which have long been notorious for conflict, illicit trade, and civil unrest. In recent times, the situation in Rakhine State, along the western coast-line of Myanmar, has increasingly become a cause for concern. The complex history of this region bestows the place with diverse communities, and ineffective management is a recipe for disaster. Most notably, there was large-scale migration to and from Myanmar during colonial times for economic opportunities, and the introduction of new administration and land laws in the region by the British, upset the existing social fabric, with dominant groups often losing social-power to newly designated local leaders.

Today, the Rohingya community in this region remains stateless, staying in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps, with little access to basic needs. Historically, there have been people living in this region under different administrative setups, including small kingdoms, but many communities also migrated between this region and elsewhere, courtesy the colonial times. In recent times, there has been increased intelligence that many extremist elements are taking advantage of the unrest in the region to distort the narrative, causing further confusion regarding the identity of the Rohingya people, and the real issues at hand. The intertwined history of this region needs better documentation, and balanced representatives to identify the key-issues, and a cohesive strategy to address it.

The primary goal must be to uphold human rights and civil liberties, but at the same time, elements which are diverting the discourse, and misguiding the commons, must be dealt with immediately and severely. As a long-term solution, the region must be empowered with social and economic progress, failing which the state of affairs in the region will only create more room for disaster. India has much to offer on security and conflict management in this region. For instance, the historic alliance between BJP and PDP in Jammu and Kashmir stands as a befitting testimony to India’s often underrated success in achieving inclusive democratic objectives in a diverse and challenging environment. Exchanging similar best-practices will not only strengthen the stability of Myanmar in its reform process, but also help facilitate improved socio-economic and cultural relations in the region.

An often less-noted dimension of cooperation is natural resource management. As Myanmar is getting ready to implement its environmental conservation law, India could offer valuable lessons through its own experience, particularly in managing national parks, biodiversity preservation, stakeholder engagement, or even environmental impact assessments. India’s numerous biodiversity hotspots could serve as sites for knowledge sharing, and also institutional capacity building through high-quality training facilities such as the Forest Research Institute in Dehradun. Moreover, water is an abundant resource in Myanmar, with high need for prudent management, and a priority sector in India for sustainable development. Going forward, there may be room for much collaboration between both nations on water policy, river basin management and even hydro-energy. Lessons from India may not only be useful, but also more relevant when compared to similar technical assistance from Western counterparts.

The tryst between India and Myanmar is truly multi-dimensional, and forging a mutually-beneficial people-driven strategy for building a civilizational partnership has the potential to bring much prosperity to both nations, which are ready to erupt on the global platform, each in their own way.

Sriharsha Masabathula is a Young India Fellow, 2014. The views expressed are his own.

~ By Ram Madhav Varanasi

When the Jammu and Kashmir BJP gave the call for “Mission 44+” during the run up to the assembly elections in the state, we had our own assessments and calculations for how we could achieve it. We foresaw various post-poll scenarios and worked on different permutations and combinations. But frankly, not even once did we think of a situation where we would be joining hands with the PDP.

Something that was unthinkable and unimaginable has happened. Today, J&K has a coalition government led jointly by the PDP and the BJP. In politics, the lure of power sometimes makes strange bedfellows. Occasionally, politics also provides you with an opportunity to think of impossible things to achieve larger goals. What prompted the BJP and the PDP to form this alliance?

Had it been only the lure of power, there would have been a government in Jammu some six to eight weeks ago. If power were the only objective, better options were available to the PDP — the Congress and the National Conference were ready to support it unconditionally. An “unholy” alliance between these parties would have left the BJP the lone opposition in the state. But besides being unholy, it would have also become an unrepresentative government.

The J&K assembly elections have thrown up a difficult and complex verdict. Any government without BJP participation would have meant the exclusion of one full region of the state in the administration. Thus the options were restricted. And we decided to go for the most difficult, yet most durable, option —  a PDP-BJP alliance.

“The results of these elections have been judged as fractured and indecisive by everyone. The reality is that it is not the mandate of political parties that is fractured; it is the polity of J&K that is fractured. Instead of being judgemental about these electoral results, the PDP and the BJP have made efforts to understand the verdict in all its complexity” – this is how the common minimum programme of the PDP-BJP coalition describes the electoral outcome.

It took a full two months to stitch this alliance carefully. As Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed described it aptly, the two parties are like the “North and South Poles”. There were difficulties, highs and lows, as well as stalemates during the nerve-wracking negotiations.
There were at least a couple of occasions when we almost decided to call off the talks and pack up. It was like the proverbial war of nerves.

Yet we succeeded in the end because of two factors. First, neither side looked at government formation as arithmetic. We had a much larger objective in mind. We had a distinct mandate that needed to be respected. There was an opportunity to bring the people of Jammu and the Valley closer. As Mufti pointed out, the geographical distance can be covered in six hours; but

the emotional distance couldn’t be covered in 60 years. We are also presented with the opportunity to decimate the emotional barriers between J&K and the rest of the country.

Second, our success depended on the fact that we didn’t allow any extraneous factors to influence us. We kept the negotiations strictly under wraps, not with any ulterior intention, but to ensure that we don’t get distracted.

We finally have a common minimum programme, “Agenda of the Alliance”, released yesterday by the new chief minister and his deputy. Have we compromised? A resounding no. Where we have fundamental differences, we have admitted it honestly and given our prescription based on a common understanding —  not necessarily consensus —  of each other’s concerns.

Take, for example, the question of Article 370. “While recognising the different positions and appreciating the perceptions BJP and PDP have on the constitutional status of J&K, considering the political and legislative realities, the present position will be maintained on all the constitutional provisions pertaining to J&K, including the special status in the Constitution of India” — this is what the common minimum programme says. We have agreed to “maintain all constitutional provisions” for the next six years, something we did in 1999, when the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government was formed.

Similarly, on the contentious Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the common minimum programme has left the onus of taking a “final view” on the Union government, while the state government would, for its part, “examine” the need for “denotifying disturbed areas”. Even here, both the parties admit that they “have historically held a different view on the AFSPA and the need for it in the state at present”.

The focus of the new coalition government will be threefold: restoring peace, the large-scale rehabilitation of flood victims and ensuring “equitable distribution and balanced development” of all the three regions of the state. Towards that end, the common minimum programme has many social, humanitarian and developmental initiatives for all sections of the state.

The Kashmiri Pandits will return to the Valley with “dignity based on their rights as state subjects”. A “one-time settlement” will be worked out for the refugees from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir of 1947, ’65 and ’71. Measures will be taken to ensure that the West Pakistan refugees who have been languishing in the state for almost 70 years, without their basic human needs being taken care of, will get “sustenance and livelihood”. A new dawn is breaking for millions of hapless refugees who will now get a ration card for the first time in their lives.

An ambitious agenda of governance and development guides the new coalition in the state. The challenges are serious. A rotten, corrupt system is what the new leaders have inherited. A near bankrupt economy and the utter misery of the people stare them in the face. Above all, they will have to manage the inherent contradictions between two political parties with distinct ideological predilections.

But the leadership is mature. It may take some time to adjust to the new partnership.

A faux pas causing PR problems every now and then can’t be ruled out. However, if the coalition leadership is committed to the vision enunciated in the common minimum programme, it would open a new chapter in the history of J&K.

A political commentator has observed that this common minimum programme is a document that symbolises the second and de facto accession of the state. This may sound hyperbolic. Nevertheless, it underscores the significance of this historic alliance in J&K. Its success will herald a landmark strengthening of India’s integrity and sovereignty.

Ram Madhav Varanasi is the General Secretary of Bhartiya Janata Party and the Director of India Foundation. The views expressed are his own.

~ By Sudarshan Ramabadran

“India will not develop till the Northeast develops. We are committed to realising the potential of the Northeast & accelerating its progress”, tweeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi before embarking on his maiden visit to the region in December 2014. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership Northeast India has witnessed increased impetus as it remains India’s pivot to her pragmatic and realistic policy of ‘Act East’.

The significance which the Northeastern region assumes amongst the Indian leadership is discernible in the recent bilateral meeting between the heads of Singapore and India. During the meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and visiting Singaporean President Tony Tan Keng Yam, PM Modi sought Singaporean expertise to set up a skill development centre in Northeast India. Reportage which has emerged post the bilateral meeting, has excerpts of quotes from officials who have stated, “It is rare for north-eastern India to figure so prominently in foreign policy deliberations,” This perhaps shows the determination with which Government of India(GoI) is seeking to ensure all round sustainable development of the region. In his meeting with the Singapore President, PM Modi is also reported to have spoken in favour of greater air connectivity for the Northeastern region.

However seeking Singapore’s expertise has in no way been a one-off initiative on the part of GoI or PM Modi; whereas on the other hand consistent and decisive steps have been taken by GoI under PM Modi’s leadership to facilitate an ecosystem which will ensure all round sustainable development of the region. Taking cue from then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s decision of allocating 10% of the country’s budget towards Northeast’s development; in its first budget, GoI had made a provision of Rs. 53,000 crores for the development of the eight north-eastern states. Among the 5Ts which were outlined by PM Modi as priorities, Tourism in one among them. Thus, in order to help the region script success in tourism, GoI has also taken substantive initiatives. Prominent among them being, to boost connectivity in the region, the GoI has made an allocation of Rs.28, 000 crores for starting 14 new railway lines. Plans are also in the pipeline to have a dedicated brand ambassador for the region and inviting film makers to extensively shoot in the region.

98 % of the Northeastern states also share their borders with some of India’s South Asian neighbours such as China, Myanmar, Thailand, Bangladesh etc. In view of this, another vital aspect, which the GoI is keen to improve, is its border infrastructure. Basic requirements such as road, power, and schools along the border in the region are being carefully paid attention to, for betterment. This is in all certainty part of PM Modi’s visionary strategy of reorienting India’s foreign policy towards stronger ties with Southeast and East Asia.

GoI has also advanced its plans for the Northeast in terms of better relations with Bangladesh and Myanmar. During his visit to Tripura, PM Modi envisioned an economic corridor that would be established using Northeast India, Myanmar, and the adjoining regions. GoI has also signed an agreement with Japan to open an economic corridor with Myanmar. Key transit initiatives between Northeast India and Myanmar – the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway are also on track to be completed by 2016. This too is part of GoI’s long term intiative to favour greater economic linkages between Northeastern states and adjoining countries such as Thailand, Myanmar and Bangladesh to ensure greater economic development in the Northeastern region. Japan too has been roped in to be a major infrastructure development partner, PM Modi’s visit to Japan in September 2014 affirmed his commitment to joint projects for the region in a variety of sectors.

Furthering the cause of development of the region, in September 2014, the Prime Minister’s Office had directed the Project Monitoring Group (PMG) to fast track development projects in the Northeast region. Towards this, GoI had already identified 21 such key projects worth over Rs1 lakh crore for ensuring faster clearances to them. Of 21 projects, nine projects are from Arunachal Pradesh, seven from Assam, three from Tripura and one each from Meghalaya and Manipur. More than 50 per cent of these projects are power projects including that of transmission lines followed by five railway projects, four related to petroleum and natural gas and one related to cement plant. In addition, to ensure speedy implementation of the GoI’s social and economic programmes, eight union ministers will visit one of the eight northeastern states every fortnight.

GoI has also set out on a vital task to prepare India for a knowledge future. To improve power and digital connectivity, Rs. 5,000 crores had been earmarked for North-eastern states to strengthen intra-state power transmission and distribution systems. A similar amount had also been allocated for boosting 2G mobile connectivity for the eight states.

“North-eastern region can be the capital of India’s organic agriculture.” said PM Modi during his visit to the region, towards this GoI had also earmarked Rs.100 crores as part of its push to encourage organic farming in the region. It was during his visit to Arunachal Pradesh during the campaign for Lok Sabha elections, PM Modi coined 3Hs : Herbal, Horticulture and Handicraft.Recognising that 40% horticulture produce in the Northeast gets wasted due to non-availability of proper storage, GoI is also planning to rope in some food processing industries to set up their units in the region and avail the benefits of horticulture products.
Education and youth led development have also emerged as priorities. As part of student and teacher exchange programmes, GoI has also introduced the Ishan Uday special scholarships for 10,000 students, and the Ishan Vikas scheme for 2000 students and 500 faculty members from colleges of the Northeast to visit other parts of the country every year.

Despite the presence of abundant natural resources in the region and huge investment opportunities, the region has been deprived of growth and development. This is precisely because there is no onus on the leadership in each state for a sense of ownership and responsibilities over development of the region as a whole. It is towards this that recently before the 1st NITI Aayog meeting with the state CMs, PM Modi held a brief meeting with all Northeastern state CMs which underscores the importance which GoI attaches to Cooperative Federalism, which in essence means, for India to develop, states must develop. A vital prerequisite in fulfilling India’s renewed Act East Policy is to look and act towards Eastern India and that is precisely what is being actively pursued under PM Modi.

Sudarshan Ramabadran is a Research Assistant with India Foundation. The views expressed are his own. 

~ By Alok Bansal

US President Barack Obama’s visit to New Delhi as the chief guest for India’s Republic Day celebrations has raised vast expectations. Not only is this the first time that a US President will be the chief guest, it is also unique for a US President to visit India twice during his tenure. It may seem strange, but the US is the only country from P-5 whose leader had never been invited for India’s Republic Day. The expectations, therefore, are sky high. Most analysts believe that it is the congruence of interests in the post-Cold War era that has brought the two countries together. However, a realistic appraisal will show that the proximity is driven more by the common values of democracy and pluralism, rather than any common perceived interests. This explains the relatively robust people-to-people relationship, even during the heights of Cold War, when the two countries were viewed to be on different sides of the global divide. In today’s world the interests have become transient, but the societal values are relatively constant. The two countries are undoubtedly the largest democracies as well as amongst the most pluralistic societies in the globe.

However, when it comes to the average citizens, the relationship is often viewed from the prism of two triangular relationships, namely — India, Pakistan and the US; and India, China and the US. Most Indians look at the US in terms of its relationship with Pakistan. Consequently, they expect the US to ensure that Pakistan fulfils India’s wish list, from delivering Dawood Ibrahim to incarcerating Hafiz Saeed. To that extent, President Obama’s visit to India not being linked to Pakistan is a big positive. On the other hand, many in the US perceive India as a bulwark against growing Chinese influence. They presuppose a conflictual relationship between India and China and expect India to become an ally. It is important to look at the bilateral relations without looking through these triangular relationships. It must be appreciated that India’s security interests cannot be underwritten by others. On the other hand, India is too big to become an appendage and would always like to retain its right to say “no” in any partnership.

The visit may resolve longstanding deadlocks on the civil nuclear deal and defence cooperation. The US has emerged as the largest supplier of defence equipment to India and its defence sales to India have crossed over $10 billion. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “Make in India” programme offers US companies, especially those in the defence sector, a unique opportunity with suitable incentives to set up manufacturing facilities in the largest defence market. Inexpensive labour, a large market and consequently, the economies of scale can easily allow them to develop India as a production hub for supplying to other parts of the world as well. It may be prudent for them not to waste time nitpicking, trying to find flaws in procedures, but to look at the intent which is to facilitate. Similarly, it may be prudent to look at the long term cooperation in the field of defence by way of joint development and production of new platforms and systems, rather than looking at quick procurement deals.

Another field where there is immense scope for cooperation is green technologies. India is looking for cleaner technologies to ameliorate the impact of rapid growth and industrialisation. Climate change has become significant and India is committed to cutting down its carbon emissions by 25% and this requires greater reliance on renewable energy. The two countries are collaborating in this field under Partnership to Advance Clean Energy (PACE) and this has the potential to transform India.

President Obama’s visit will usher in a new era in Indo-US relations, by laying down a foundation for long term cooperation. It may not result in any spectacular announcements, but the President shares a unique chemistry with Prime Minister Modi. The two leaders have risen from underprivileged backgrounds to transform their countries and this similarity leads to a bond that has the potential to cement the Indo-US relationship for the future.

Alok Bansal is the Director Centre for Security and Strategy, India foundation. The views expressed are his own.