IF-IHC Book Discussion on ‘Bharat Rising: Dharma, Democracy, Diplomacy’

India Foundation, in collaboration with the India Habitat Centre, organised a book discussion on the book ‘Bharat Rising: Dharma, Democracy, Diplomacy’, by Shree Utpal Kumar, Author and Journalist, on 29 April 2026 at Gulmohar Hall, India Habitat Centre. The discussants included Prof Makarand R. Paranjape, Author and Commentator; Shrimati Sandhya Jain, Senior Journalist; Shri Prafulla Ketkar, Editor, Organiser Weekly. The session was moderated by Ms Rami Niranjan Desai, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation.

The event was attended by senior Indian and foreign diplomats, academics, scholars, students and policy practitioners. The panel discussed how the book provides a perspective on the path being undertaken by India today in terms of the interconnection between civilisational ideals, democratic resilience, and the evolution of a foreign policy framework. India’s historical standing as a global centre in economy and philosophy, having accounted for one-third of the world’s wealth since the first century until the advent of the British Raj, implies that its current resurgence is a return to its rightful destiny rather than a modern phenomenon.

A key focus of the discussion was the prospect of Bharat becoming one of the most influential global powers through its demographic potential and revival of indigenous intellectual traditions. The panel further noted that this project heralds the birth of a “Dharmic Democracy,” where attempts are made to merge the principles of contemporary governance with the ancient wisdom of civilisations. The session concluded with a consensus that Bharat Rising: Dharma, Democracy, Diplomacy restores the pride of India and underscores the importance of recognising the nation’s ancient heroes, a prerequisite for a strong foreign policy stance.

 

RSS @100: Centenary Reflections

Date of Event: 16 April 2026

Venue: Conference Hall, India Foundation Office

India Foundation organized a lecture under the series “RSS @100: Centenary Reflections” as part of the centenary year of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh. The series aims to promote academic engagement and informed discussion on the historical, ideological, and societal aspects of the RSS. The event brought together scholars, researchers, and individuals interested in understanding the evolution and role of the organization over the past hundred years.

The session featured Prof. Raj Kumar Bhatia, Retired Professor, Delhi University, and Shri Santosh Taneja, Founder, Samkalp IAS Coaching Centre.The speakers focused largely on their personal interactions with senior leadership and their experiences within the Sangh Parivar. They shared observations from their long association, highlighting key learnings related to organizational discipline, leadership development, and the emphasis on character building and service.

Shri Santosh Taneja, reflected on his long association with the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and explained how the organisation shaped his personal and professional life. Drawing from his experiences as a swayamsevak since childhood, he highlighted the role of senior RSS leaders in nurturing dedication, discipline, and a spirit of service. He argued that the strength of the RSS lies not merely in its ideology but in the character and conduct of the individuals who live by its ideals. Through anecdotes about prominent RSS functionaries, he emphasized values such as simplicity, selflessness, integrity, and commitment to national service.

Shri Rajkumar Bhatia, shared his journey as a swayamsevak and his long involvement with the Akhil Bharatiya Vidyarthi Parishad (ABVP). He discussed the historical evolution of the RSS, its expansion into various fields of social and national life, and its contribution to nation-building through affiliated organisations. He highlighted the role of leaders such as Guruji, Deendayal Upadhyaya, and Dattopant Thengadi in shaping different spheres of public life. He also reflected on the challenges faced by the organisation over the decades and stressed that its resilience has stemmed from a strong cadre of dedicated workers committed to serving society.

During the interaction session, both speakers discussed the organisational culture of the RSS, highlighting internal dialogue, continuous learning, leadership development, and intergenerational transmission of values. They stressed that the organisation has sustained itself through disciplined volunteerism, social engagement, and a positive approach towards national development. The speakers concluded that the enduring strength of the RSS lies in its ability to inspire individuals to dedicate themselves to a larger national cause while adapting to changing social and political circumstances.

The lecture was followed by an interactive discussion where participants engaged with the speakers on their experiences and perspectives.

 

IF-IHC Panel Discussion on New Regime in Nepal: Implications for India

On 6th April 2026, India Foundation, in collaboration with the India Habitat Centre, organised a panel discussion on “New Regime in Nepal: Implications for India.” The panel featured Ambassador Ranjit Rae (former Ambassador to Nepal, Vietnam, and Hungary), Professor Sangeeta Thapliyal (CIAS, School of International Studies, JNU), and Shri Vivek Johri (former National Security Advisor of Mauritius and former DG, BSF). The session was moderated by Captain Alok Bansal (Executive Vice President, India Foundation).

The panelists highlighted that the recent general election in Nepal brought a new paradigm shift in the Himalayan nation’s political landscape, with the emergence of the Rashtriya Swatantra Party (RSP) and a shift towards a younger, digitally empowered set of leaders. The panel discussed this paradigm not only as a change of government in Nepal but also as the transformation in its domestic aspirations and the strategic outlook towards its immediate neighbours, implying a transition from ideological dichotomies to more pragmatic considerations.

One of the central pillars of discussion was how digital mobilization came into its own as the dominant political force through the use of complex digital algorithms and social media interaction, allowing the RSP to circumvent the conventional grassroots network by appealing to a disgruntled electorate. In effect, this mandate was seen as a rejection of the musical chairs game played by established political elites for decades, choosing accountability, meritocracy, and service delivery.

The panel observed there had been a shift towards an interest-based foreign policy strategy; the country, being landlocked, will have to continuously practice balancing acts between India and China, albeit becoming more aggressive about them. The former regime was characterized by ideological politics; the new regime is expected to assess the financial feasibility of infrastructure investments, including the Belt and Road initiative, implying the old system of “ideological balancing” no longer works.

The panelists emphasised that India must urgently recalibrate the “Neighbourhood First” approach by prioritizing implementation to offset the perception of “India promises and China delivers”. This requires evolving beyond diplomatic engagement to integrate Nepal’s digitally literate youth and IT ecosystem into the bilateral relations framework and simultaneously start formal dialogues on the 1950 Treaty and Kalapani issue to prevent their weaponization by domestic opposition, ensuring cooperative growth. The session concluded with a reflection on the “New Regime” marking a new era where performance supersedes ideology as the main criterion of legitimacy. It was observed that the future success of India will be contingent upon whether it can align with a proactive Nepal, determined to achieve financial sovereignty through pragmatic accomplishments.

 

Release of the Report: “The Promise of Quick Commerce for India’s Economic and Social Development”

India Foundation released its report, “The Promise of Quick Commerce for India’s Economic and Social Development,”on 3 April 2026 at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi. The report examines the growing role of quick commerce in accelerating India’s economic growth, strengthening last-mile connectivity, generating employment opportunities, and contributing to inclusive social development.

The report was formally released by Shri Jitin Prasada, Union Minister of State for Commerce and Industry, Government of India. In his address, he highlighted the importance of innovation-driven business models in enhancing consumer convenience, supporting local enterprises, and strengthening India’s digital economy.

The event also featured a presentation by the India Foundation research team, which outlined the key findings and recommendations of the report. The presentation highlighted the rapid expansion of the quick commerce sector, its impact on employment generation, logistics infrastructure, consumer behavior, and its potential contribution to India’s broader development objectives.

The programme was attended by policymakers, industry representatives, researchers, academics, and members of the media. The report contributes to the ongoing policy discourse on the future of digital commerce and its role in fostering sustainable and inclusive economic development in the country.

 

IF-IHC Panel Discussion on Conflict in the Gulf and Regional Reconfiguration

India foundation, in collaboration with India Habitat Centre, organised a panel discussion on “Conflict in the Gulf and Regional Reconfiguration” at Gulmohar Hall, India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, on 27 March 2026. The session was moderated by Captain Alok Bansal, Executive Vice President, India Foundation. The panel featured Mr Manish Chand, CEO, Centre for Global India Insights and India Writes Network; Ms Indrani Bagchi, CEO, Ananta Aspen Centre and Ambassador Anil Trigunayat, former Ambassador of India to Jordan, Libya and Malta.

The discussion assessed the essence of unilateral strikes, the emerging alliances in the Persian Gulf and the severe disruptions to the global supply chains. A poignant first-hand account was shared by one of the panelist of the experience of being stuck in a bunker on February 28 during the retaliatory strikes on Israel; a rather disturbing shift was reported by the panelists on the religious undertones of the war. The term “Amalek” which means the ultimate evil, was used to describe the Iranians; the term, had been derived from the biblical account of the crusades and the fact that this term was used to describe Iran suggested the moving away of the conflict in West Asia from traditional statecraft into an ideological realm. This transition into existential and moral rhetoric significantly complicates diplomatic efforts and the underlying hatred and polarization in the public mind, particularly since the last 40 years; indicate that the war in mind will continue to persist, making it exceptionally difficult to reach a sustainable ceasefire.

The discussants cautioned the possible onset of a medical emergency, given the shortage of helium, required to perform MRI, the skyrocketing price of nitrogen from $200 to $900 a unit in the US, and higher prices for groceries. The transition of the US from a progressive global power to a “revisionist destructive power”, prioritising domestic industrial policy and performative destruction over the Global Trading system it once built was also highlighted.

The conflict, analysed from a viewpoint of failed negotiations and miscalculations, was a war between the radical ideology of the Trump administration and the Iranian leadership; breaking the myth of the US as the sole security guarantor of The Persian Gulf. US military presence in the region was no longer providing security but becoming a target; leading to gulf nations and traditional US allies like Oman and Qatar to reassess their foreign relations with Iran. The Iranian regime, despite being unpopular in the past, with external aggression, had been able to push for a national sentiment of “rallying round the flag” effect which was based on the cultural acceptance of the martyrdom.

The session concluded with a reflection on the concept of ‘strategic autonomy’ and how it has changed over time; the panelists agreed that real influence is determined by a nation’s control over its own supply chains and resources.  It was underscored that India’s strategic clarity is maintained through direct communication with all sides of a conflict, even as the global economy enters an era of “irreversible destruction”. The panel emphasized that while the full extent of current global shift is yet to be felt, the need for calibrated diplomacy and strengthened domestic capabilities remain the most significant for navigating this fluid landscape.

 

International Conference on ‘India-Japan Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific: Enhancing Security and Stability’

The International Conference on India-Japan Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific: Enhancing Security and Stability, organised by India Foundation brought together eminent policymakers, diplomats, military leaders, and scholars to deliberate on one of the most critical strategic partnerships in the contemporary geopolitical landscape. The conference drew a diverse attendance of 160 delegates, representing the fields of academia, diplomacy, defence, policy research, and strategic affairs. The event also featured a stellar panel of 18 distinguished speakers. Held on 24 March 2026, the conference coincided with the 10th anniversary of Japan’s Free and Open Indo-Pacific (FOIP) vision, providing a timely platform to reinforce the Special Strategic and Global Partnership between India and Japan. Against the backdrop of evolving maritime challenges, regional flashpoints, and the imperative of upholding a rules-based international order, the day-long event underscored the shared commitment of both nations to peace, stability, and prosperity in the Indo-Pacific region.

The conference commenced at 10:00 AM with registration and tea/coffee, followed by the Inaugural Session from 10:30 to 11:30 AM. Dr Ram Madhav, President, India Foundation, chaired the session and delivered introductory remarks. He emphasised the need for India and Japan to deepen cooperation beyond existing frameworks such as the Quad, advocating for expanded engagement across the broader Indo-Pacific, including the Indian Ocean region. He called for an explicit extension of the FOIP concept to encompass a free and open Indian Ocean, urging both nations to leverage their democratic values and strategic convergence for regional stability.

The session featured addresses by high-level dignitaries. VAdm Krishna Swaminathan, PVSM, AVSM, VSM, Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Naval Command, Indian Navy, delivered a compelling address highlighting the India-Japan partnership as a critical anchor for Indo-Pacific stability. He drew attention to the region’s role as a driver of global economic growth while underscoring risks from flashpoints in the Taiwan Strait and South China Sea, alongside China’s accelerated military modernisation and assertiveness. His remarks reinforced the importance of robust naval cooperation in safeguarding sea lanes and maintaining maritime security.

H.E. ONO Keiichi, Ambassador of Japan to India, delivered an insightful keynote address. He described the India-Japan relationship as entering a “New Golden Chapter” ahead of the 75th anniversary of diplomatic relations. The Ambassador reaffirmed Japan’s proactive policies under its leadership and its unwavering commitment to sovereignty, opposition to the use of force or coercion, and the building of resilient supply chains with trusted partners. He highlighted the strategic depth of bilateral ties and the shared vision of a free, open, and rules-based Indo-Pacific order.

Shri Sujit Ghosh, Joint Secretary (East Asia), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, stressed the importance of translating resilience into actionable outcomes. He pointed to high-level defence exchanges between the armed forces of India and Japan as a defining feature of the enduring partnership, underscoring practical steps towards enhanced interoperability and strategic alignment.

The inaugural session set a robust tone for the day, blending strategic foresight with diplomatic pragmatism and establishing the conference’s central theme: the indispensable role of India-Japan cooperation in addressing contemporary security challenges.

Following a short break, Panel Discussion 1 on “Rule-Based International Order & Freedom of Navigation” commenced at 11:45 AM and continued until 13:00 PM. Chaired by VAdm Shekhar Sinha, PVSM, AVSM, NM & Bar, ADC (Retd.), Former Chief of Integrated Defence Staff and Former Commander-in-Chief, Western Naval Command, the panel included Amb Sanjay Kumar Verma, Former High Commissioner of India to Japan; Prof. C Raja Mohan, Distinguished Professor, Institute of American Studies, Jindal Global University, Delhi; and Commodore Sujit Samaddar, Visiting Fellow, RIS, and Former Principal Director Naval Plans, Indian Navy.

The discussion explored the foundational principles of maritime governance, with panellists examining legal and operational dimensions of freedom of navigation. Emphasis was placed on collaborative mechanisms to counter unilateral assertions and ensure unimpeded access to international waters, reflecting the growing convergence between Indian and Japanese maritime doctrines.

A lunch break from 13:00 to 14:00 PM provided an opportunity for networking among delegates, fostering informal exchanges on bilateral and multilateral initiatives.

Panel Discussion 2, held from 14:00 to 15:15 PM, focused on “Potential Flash Points in the Indo-Pacific.” Chaired by Shri Yaduveer Krishnadatta Chamaraja Wadiyar, Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha, the panel comprised Amb Preeti Saran, Former Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India; Adm (Prof.) Jayanath Colombage, Former Chief of the Navy, Sri Lanka; and Ms Rami N Desai, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation.

The session offered diverse perspectives on emerging hotspots, including maritime disputes, territorial assertions, and their implications for regional stability. Panellists analysed the interplay of great-power competition and local dynamics, with particular attention to the need for proactive diplomacy and enhanced situational awareness. The discussion highlighted how India-Japan collaboration could serve as a stabilising force amid these challenges.

A tea/coffee break from 15:15 to 15:30 PM allowed delegates to recharge before the final technical session.

Panel Discussion 3, from 15:30 to 16:45 PM, addressed “Role of International Institutions in Dispute Resolution.” Chaired by Capt Alok Bansal, Executive Vice-President, India Foundation, the panel featured Prof. Gudmundur Eiriksson, Former Judge, International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (ITLOS), Iceland; Amb Ruchira Kamboj, Former Permanent Representative of India to the United Nations; and Prof. Hosoya Yuichi, Faculty of Law, Department of Political Science (Mita), KEIO University, Japan.

This session delved into the efficacy of multilateral institutions in managing disputes, with panellists evaluating legal frameworks, enforcement mechanisms, and the potential for India-Japan joint initiatives to strengthen institutional responses. The deliberations underscored the complementary roles of diplomacy, international law, and strategic partnerships in resolving conflicts peacefully.

The Valedictory Session from 17:00 to 17:30 PM provided a powerful conclusion to the conference. Chaired by Amb Jaideep Mazumdar, Former Secretary (East), Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India, the session featured the Valedictory Address by Adm Dinesh K Tripathi, PVSM, AVSM, NM, Chief of the Naval Staff. Adm Tripathi delivered a profoundly insightful address emphasising the securing of sea lanes, the strengthening of bilateral naval ties, and the imperative of safeguarding the rules-based maritime order. His remarks encapsulated the conference’s key takeaways, offering a forward-looking vision for deeper India-Japan defence and maritime cooperation. The address served as a fitting culmination to a day of rigorous strategic deliberations.

The event concluded with a Hi-Tea, providing delegates an opportunity for continued engagement and reflection.

In summary, the conference successfully highlighted the strategic depth of India-Japan relations and their pivotal role in shaping a stable Indo-Pacific. Through high-level addresses, expert panels, and vibrant exchanges, participants reaffirmed the partnership’s potential to address shared challenges ranging from maritime security to institutional governance. As both nations mark significant milestones in their bilateral engagement, the deliberations at this conference are expected to inform policy directions and operational cooperation in the years ahead.

India Foundation’s initiative once again demonstrated its commitment to fostering informed discourse on India’s foreign and security policy priorities. The event not only reinforced existing synergies but also charted pathways for expanded collaboration, ensuring that the India-Japan partnership remains a cornerstone of regional peace and prosperity.

 

International Conference on Modern Indian Political Thought

Intellectual Traditions and Contemporary Relevance March 11-12, 2026 | Vadodara, Gujarat

Organised by India Foundation, New Delhi, in collaboration with The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda

India Foundation and The Maharaja Sayajirao University of Baroda organised a two-day international conference on “Modern Indian Political Thought: Intellectual Traditions and Contemporary Relevance” on 11-12 March 2026 in Vadodara, Gujarat, India. The conference brought together Research scholars, Senior Academics, Policy practitioners etc. from India and abroad. The conference featured an inaugural session followed by four plenary sessions, eight parallel sessions, and a valedictory session, with fifty paper presenters and twenty invited speakers addressing themes from social reform, cultural nationalism to Liberal constitutionalism and Gandhian ethics.

Inaugural Session

The conference was inaugurated in the presence of over 150 participants. Prof. Sunaina Singh, Former Vice Chancellor of Nalanda University, chaired the session. The Keynote Address was delivered by Dr. Ram Madhav, President of India Foundation, who urged participants to decolonise the Indian political mind and reclaim indigenous intellectual traditions as living frameworks for contemporary governance and statecraft. Shri Bhupendrasinh Chudasma, Former State Cabinet Minister, Government of Gujarat, delivered a Special Address that added a grounded political dimension to the proceedings. The session concluded with a Vote of Thanks by Prof. K.M. Chudasama, Registrar (Offg.), MSU Baroda.

In his keynote address, Dr Ram Madhav, President of India Foundation, highlighted the importance of decolonizing the Indian political mind and revitalizing India’s indigenous intellectual traditions. He underscored the richness of India’s political and philosophical heritage and emphasized its continued relevance in addressing contemporary challenges. His address encouraged a deeper engagement with Indian knowledge systems as a foundation for developing a more rooted and self-aware political discourse.

First Plenary Session — Social Reforms and Democratic Tradition

Chair: Prof. Amit Dholakia, Head, Department of Political Science, MSU Baroda

Prof. Himanshu Roy (Chairperson, Centre for Political Studies, JNU) presented Decolonising Social Reforms Historiography, arguing that prevailing historiographies have been shaped by colonial epistemological frameworks and calling for a recovery of indigenous perspectives in the study of Indian reform movements. Dr. Guru Prakash Paswan (Columnist & Assistant Professor, Patna University) presented Social Reforms and Ambedkar’s Thought, situating Ambedkar’s reformist vision within his broader constitutional project and demonstrating the enduring relevance of his ideas for contemporary debates on social justice and democratic participation. Dr. Virendra Singh (Head, Department of Sociology, MSU Baroda) presented Between Constitutional Morality and Social Structure: A Sociological Analysis of Reforms in Modern India, exploring the tension between constitutional ideals and entrenched social arrangements, and offering a nuanced account of the pace and limits of institutional reform.

Parallel Paper Presentation Sessions

The parallel sessions brought together around 50 young scholars and academics presenting research papers on a wide spectrum of thinkers, from Swami Vivekananda, V D. Savarkar, Sri Aurobindo, and Lomanya Tilak to Mahatma Gandhi, Sardar Patel, Shyama Prasad Mukherjee, Deendayal Upadhyay, and Atal Bihari Vajpayee, reflecting the remarkable diversity and depth of India’s political intellectual tradition. It also included contributions of leaders like Gopal Krishna Gokhale, Jawaharlal Nehru, Subhash Chandra Bose, Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Madan Mohan Malviya, K. M. Munshi, Lal Bahadur Shastri, Vinoba Bhave , Annie Besant and Sister Nivedita.

Cultural Programme

The day concluded with a vibrant cultural programme organised by ICCR’s Regional Office, Ahmedabad. Shri Bharat Bariya, Shri Akshay Patel, and the Nrutyavali Group delivered a scintillating performance that offered a fitting cultural complement to the day’s intellectual rigour, bringing together the artistic and academic dimensions of India’s civilisational heritage.

 

Day 2

PLENARY SESSION II: CULTURAL NATIONALIST TRADITION

The second plenary session on “Cultural Nationalist Tradition” was chaired by Professor Sunaina Singh, Former Vice-Chancellor, Nalanda University. She traced India’s civilisational influence across Asia – from the Chola maritime expansion and the Shailendra dynasty to Borobudur and Angkor Wat, observing that India had ruled through hearts and minds rather than any conquest. Professor Peter Heehs delivered a detailed presentation on Sri Aurobindo’s political philosophy. Prof. Heehs traced Aurobindo’s intellectual debts to the French and American revolutions, Aurobindo’s formulation of the fourfold programme of swaraj, swadeshi, boycott, and national education, and his distinctive position on violence and nonviolence. Dr. Saumya Dey, Professor, Rishihood University, presented on the evolution of Hindu social structure from “corporatism” to “communitas.” Dr Dey traced the emergence of Hindu communitas through Ram Mohan Roy’s coinage of “Hinduism,” Chandranath Basu’s “Hindutva,” Vivekananda’s radical Vedantic egalitarianism, and Tilak’s public ritual mobilisation, positioning this as a distinctly Indian modernity rather than a derivative colonial phenomenon. Mr. Come Carpentier, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation, spoke on the philosophy and ideas of Ananda Coomaraswamy, situating him within the universalist traditionalist movement.  Mr Carpentier explained Coomaraswamy’s critique of industrial modernity’s destruction of traditional structures, and his conviction that every spiritual concept had been translated into Indian social institutions.

PLENARY SESSION III: LIBERAL CONSTITUTIONALISM AND POLITICAL REFORM

Professor Himanshu Roy, Chairperson, Centre for Political Studies, JNU, chaired the third plenary session on “Liberal Constitutionalism and Political Reform”. He started the discussion with a call to expand the scope of Indian political thought beyond its “modern” designation. He observed that Indian political thought was routinely confined to the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. He urged scholars to derive political ideas from Bhakti literature and to construct a pedagogy that recognised India’s long traditions of political thinking. Professor Ranjita Chakraborty, Head, Department of Political Science, North Bengal University, spoke on Rabindranath Tagore’s political thought, focusing on Tagore’s nationalism and his commitment to individual freedom and fearless reasoning, and his vision rooted in Advaita and Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam. She highlighted Tagore’s critique of colonial education and his experiment at Shantiniketan as a model of education combining Indian classical traditions with cross-cultural dialogue. Professor Adhya Bharti Saxena, Professor, Department of History, MSU Vadodara, argued for the decolonisation of Indian historiography through vernacular archives. Professor Dibyajyoti Mahanta,Chairperson, ERC, National Council for Teacher Education, drew parallels between Sankaradeva’s fifteenth-century social and educational philosophy and Madan Mohan Malaviya’s educational vision. Professor Sonu Trivedi, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation, spoke on Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel’s strategic outlook and its relevance to contemporary Indian foreign policy.

PLENARY SESSION IV: GANDHIAN ETHICS AND POLITICS

The final plenary session was chaired by Mr. Come Carpentier, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation. Professor Sheila Rai, Prof (Retd.), Department of Political Science, University of Rajasthan and Council Member, ICSSR, New Delhi, delivered a comprehensive address on Gandhi’s civilisational contribution. She positioned Gandhi as the finest social scientist India has ever produced who observed, formed hypotheses, tested them on his own person, and only then prescribed them for the community. She argued that contemporary policies from Swachh Bharat to Atmanirbhar Bharat to the National Education Policy represent a belated institutional realisation of Gandhian principles. Dr. Roshan Boodnah, Lecturer, Mahatma Gandhi Institute, Mauritius, in his address, traced Gandhi’s brief eighteen-day stopover in Mauritius in 1901 during which he advised the Gujarati merchant community to enter politics and educate their children.  Professor Amit Dholakia, HoD, Department of Political Science, MSU Vadodara, delivered a striking address through allegory. He likened the perpetuation of violence, dishonesty, and cynicism to a regime of owls convincing the animals of the forest that darkness is the only reality and light is utopian.

VALEDICTORY SESSION

The valedictory session was chaired by Rajmata Shubhanginiraje Gaekwad, Hon’ble Chancellor of the MS University, Varodara. Professor Sonu Trivedi summarised the proceedings of two days conference in the beginning of the session and Dr. Jigar Inamdaar delivered a special address urging academic integrity and lifelong learning. Professor Amit Dholakia in his address called for an integrative approach rejecting binary thinking. Rajmata Shubhanginiraje Gaekwad in her valedictory address drew attention to the unacknowledged contribution of the Maharajas of the princely states’ integration to the Indian republic after independence in 1947. She highlighted Maharaja Sayajirao’s patronage of Ambedkar, Aurobindo, Malaviya, Jyotiba Phule, and Raja Ravi Varma, and noted that the Maharaja’s deep patriotism, recognised by Swami Vivekananda, had been overlooked by modern historiography.

 

IF-IHC Book Discussion on “Seeking The Infinite: Mahakumbh 2025”

India Foundation, in collaboration with India Habitat Centre, organised a book discussion on the book ‘Seeking The Infinite: Mahakumbh 2025’ by Shri Yakub Mathew, Author and Corporate Leader, at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, on 10th March 2026. The session was moderated by Captain Alok Bansal, Executive Vice President, India Foundation. The panel featured Ms Advaita Kala, Author and Screenwriter; Haji Syed Salman Chishty, Gaddi Nashin, Ajmer Sharif and Chairperson, Chishty Foundation; Elder Kelly R. Johnson, General Authority Seventy of The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints.

The discussion brought together various spiritual leaders and thinkers to explore the philosophical and spiritual depths of the largest human gathering in the world. Yakub Mathew, a business leader, shared how his personal journey to the Mahakumbh with friends from around the globe transformed from curiosity into a profound spiritual discovery, noting that the book was a joint effort featuring 55 prominent figures from religion, business, and politics, each providing insights into the “infinite.” The panel described the event as a huge gathering marked by remarkable order amid a seemingly chaotic environment.

A central theme of the dialogue was the concept of “collective consciousness”, a pillar of Indian philosophy embodied in the phrase ‘Aham Brahmasmi’. The panel highlighted how the ideas of cleansing and renewal in the Mahakumbh connect with the Christian view of baptism and the common wish to be freed from past burdens; the “oneness of being,” stating that self-knowledge is the key to understanding the Divine, a belief echoed in Sufi, Vedantic, and Sikh traditions.

The session concluded with an agreement that the infinite is not a far-off goal but a “horizon without end” that exists within each person. The panelists encouraged the audience to move past material concerns and embrace the message of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam—our world is one family, especially during these challenging times. Through Yakub Mathew’s experiences and the panel’s varied viewpoints, the panel framed the Mahakumbh as a strong symbol of our shared spiritual journey and a force for global unity.

 

India’s Maritime Multilateralism in Visakhapatnam: IFR-MILAN-IONS 2026 Naval Trifecta

The Indian port city of Visakhapatnam served as the epicentre of global naval diplomacy for 10 days, from 15 to 25 February 2026. The Indian Navy held three major maritime events simultaneously in the city: the International Fleet Review (IFR) 2026[i], Exercise MILAN 2026 and the 9th Conclave of Chiefs of the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) 2026. These events were attended by 74 countries, with 33 represented by their naval chiefs and heads of maritime security agencies[ii], creating a rare spectacle of international naval cooperation and professional camaraderie and demonstrating India’s growing maritime capabilities in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

The decision to hold all three events in Visakhapatnam was not based on logistics or convenience, but on a strategic choice to operationalise Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s vision of MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions)[iii] and to demonstrate India’s intent to be a leading power in shaping the rules-based maritime order in the Indian Ocean.

The Strategic Context: China’s Expanding Indian Ocean Footprint

In the 21st century, China’s Indian Ocean strategy has evolved into a multi-layered approach to projecting power, and accordingly the People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLAN) has expanded its operational reach across the Indian Ocean. Although China officially has only one overseas military base, in Djibouti in 2017[iv], its actual strategic footprint in the region is far broader than this single facility. The growing number of dual-use ports, such as Gwadar (Pakistan), Hambantota (Sri Lanka) and Kyaukphyu (Myanmar), serve as potential logistical hubs that could support Chinese naval operations in the future. Chinese efforts to secure military access to ports in Tanzania and Mozambique on Africa’s east coast, if successful, would complement Djibouti and allow Beijing to influence events around the key maritime chokepoints in the northwestern Indian Ocean.[v]

The recent surge in Chinese research vessels in the IOR is equally concerning, with India tracking at least four dual-use Chinese research ships in the region by late 2025: Lan Hai 101, Lan Hai 201, Shi Yan 6 and Shen Hai Yi Hao.[vi] The Information Management and Analysis Centre (IMAC) and the Information Fusion Centre for the Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR)[vii] of India, based in Gurugram, have been tracking these developments closely, fully aware that a strong maritime domain awareness is the first line of strategic defence. In this context, China’s long-term Indian Ocean strategy, which combines political influence over littoral states, naval expansion, dual-use infrastructure and deep-sea data gathering, puts the Visakhapatnam naval trifecta in a stronger strategic position.[viii]

International Fleet Review (IFR) 2026: Projecting Capability

The International Fleet Review (IFR) 2026, which took place on 18 February 2026 with President Droupadi Murmu as the reviewing authority,[ix] was the ceremonial highlight of one of the largest maritime gatherings in the Indian Ocean Region. It was India’s third IFR, after Mumbai in 2001 and Visakhapatnam in 2016, but the scale and political messaging of the 2026 edition were qualitatively different. In 2001, the IFR was attended by 97 ships from 20 countries, whereas in 2016, it was attended by 95 ships from 50 countries. IFR 2026, in comparison, had 85 ships and participation from 74 countries, reflecting a major expansion in India’s diplomatic reach at sea.[x] The participation of so many countries signifies a major deepening of India’s international engagement in the maritime domain.

IFR 2026 was a clear demonstration of India’s convening power and the Indian Navy’s ability to assemble a large and diverse maritime coalition, not on the basis of hard alliances or coercion but on voluntary trust and shared interests. For smaller Indian Ocean littoral states such as Seychelles, Maldives and Sri Lanka, India’s ability to host such a massive and inclusive event stands in sharp contrast to China’s largely bilateral and often debt-heavy model of engagement. The turnout at IFR 2026 itself told a story, and the presence of navies from Australia, Japan, France, Russia, South Korea, along with some countries from ASEAN and the African continent, showed that India’s maritime partnerships are open and non-exclusionary, not locked into rigid ideological blocs. This demonstrates the diversity and flexibility of New Delhi’s naval relationships.

For Moscow, participation in IFR 2026, despite Western sanctions and relative diplomatic isolation, is proof of a strong India-Russia defence relationship. The presence of Russian and Western navies at IFR 2026 sent a clear message that India would not allow its multilateral maritime platforms to be held hostage to great-power rivalry or bloc politics. This is a clear signal that, under India’s leadership, the Indian Ocean will remain a common space governed by common rules rather than be carved up into rival spheres of influence. IFR 2026 is a concrete manifestation of India’s multi-alignment doctrine in the Indian Ocean, where India is engaging with multiple major powers without joining any single bloc while working to preserve a cooperative, rules-based maritime order in the IOR.

MILAN 2026: From Regional Exercise to Indo-Pacific Platform

MILAN is the Indian Navy’s flagship biennial multilateral exercise. Launched in 1995, it was initially a small, regional exercise under the Andaman and Nicobar Command, with just four participating navies from Indonesia, Singapore, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Thirty years later, in 2026, it has grown into one of the biggest multilateral naval exercises in the Indo-Pacific region. The 2026 edition, the 13th, was held in Visakhapatnam, with 74 participating countries, including Germany, the Philippines and the UAE as new entrants. This sheer scale and diversity of participants reflects what MILAN has come to represent. The exercise is also a clear physical manifestation of India’s strategic autonomy. New Delhi projects itself as a navy that can work with everyone and is adversarial to none, seeking to stitch together a collective, cooperative maritime security architecture across the Indo-Pacific, which is the exact opposite of China’s Indian Ocean strategy, because the Chinese PLAN approach relies on bilateral deals and strategic dependencies and tends to undermine such collective and cooperative frameworks.

The transition from SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region), announced in 2015 by PM Modi, to MAHASAGAR (Mutual and Holistic Advancement for Security and Growth Across Regions), launched in 2025, is also evident at sea in MILAN’s ever-expanding agenda. While SAGAR was largely Indian Ocean-centric and security-focused, MAHASAGAR extends further outward from the Indian Ocean to the Indo-Pacific and brings in economic diplomacy, technological connectivity, environmental sustainability, and much deeper professional interoperability between partner navies.[xi] The participants in MILAN now cover the Indian Ocean Region, Southeast Asia, the Western Pacific, Africa, and Europe, which is a clear indication that MILAN has come a long way since its inception as a regional confidence-building exercise to become one of the major Indo-Pacific maritime platforms of our times.

Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) 2026: Institutional Leadership in the Indian Ocean

The 9th Conclave of Chiefs of the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, held in Visakhapatnam on 20 February 2026, had special institutional significance because India took over the IONS chairmanship from the Royal Thai Navy for the 2026-28 term. India has returned to the chairmanship after 16 years, following its first term as chair from 2008-10. The IONS, established by the Indian Navy in 2008, now has 25 member navies and 9 observers. The 2026 conclave was attended by naval chiefs and heads of maritime security agencies from 33 countries, underscoring the importance IONS has acquired as a regional maritime forum. The Philippines was also inducted as a new observer, expanding and strengthening the IONS’ cooperative framework.

As part of IONS 2026, India has outlined an action-oriented agenda for its chairmanship, including conducting the IONS Maritime Exercise (IMEX), continuing the deployment of the Indian Ocean Ship (IOS) SAGAR to IONS member states with multinational crews,[xii] and holding a series of structured maritime information-sharing workshops and dialogues to deepen operational interaction, professional exchanges, and capacity building across member navies. As the chair of the IONS, India has a chance to steer the forum towards maritime domain awareness, information sharing, and interoperability, as these are the areas where China has been seeking to create a unilateral advantage through the deployment of research vessels and by negotiating bilateral port agreements across the Indian Ocean. India’s IONS chairmanship is not just symbolic but a deliberate attempt to strengthen a collective and transparent information ecosystem in the Indian Ocean Region to counter the information asymmetries that Beijing’s approach seeks to introduce in the IOR.

India’s Response Architecture – MAHASAGAR

The MAHASAGAR vision builds on the earlier SAGAR doctrine and projects India as a global maritime power. IFR 2026, Exercise MILAN 2026, and IONS 2026 are manifestations of India’s maritime statecraft, projecting a coherent strategic posture. The Indian Navy is not merely managing the IOR security environment but also asserting custodianship over the maritime order, grounded in UNCLOS and freedom of navigation. India’s bid for custodianship of the Indian Ocean is not without substance, as it counters China’s revisionist agenda and expanding footprint in the region. Each of the three events represents a different aspect of this approach. IFR 2026 highlights India’s indigenisation in naval modernisation and its gradual shift towards a technology-driven area-denial posture in the IOR. MILAN 2026 builds interoperability and translates goodwill into collective security. IONS 2026 enables India to shape rules of engagement as chair, focusing on maritime domain awareness, information sharing and interoperability. Overall, India’s IOR approach differs from China’s bilateral, transactional and infrastructure-oriented engagement, as India provides multilateral, inclusive platforms based on voluntary participation, common doctrine and rules-based norms.

Visakhapatnam’s trifecta underscores India’s forward-looking posture and a new regional security framework based on cooperation. The Indian Navy’s status as a “preferred security partner” and “first responder” in the IOR provides littoral states in the IOR with a free-from-debt, free-from-political-baggage option for security support and capacity-building.[xiii] The spirit of MAHASAGAR aligns with the Indian vision of a free, open, inclusive Indo-Pacific region, one that is open to all in a common pursuit of progress, because it is not directed against anyone, is not exclusive or competitive, and does not aim to undermine the centrality of ASEAN or the existing open, transparent and inclusive regional architecture.

The Road Ahead

The three events in Visakhapatnam hold greater strategic significance because India has shown it can bring together all three dimensions of power in the Indian Ocean at the same time: hard power through an impressive display of fleet capabilities, soft power through large, inclusive multilateral exercises, and institutional leadership by setting the agenda on maritime norms and cooperation. By holding IFR, MILAN and IONS together in the same place at the same time, India sent a deliberate signal that its Indian Ocean strategy had gone beyond simply responding to China’s growing presence, and that New Delhi is now proactively seeking to set the rules, networks and security architecture of the region. As the Indian Ocean is emerging as the primary arena for major power competition, the Visakhapatnam trifecta of 2026 will probably be remembered as the moment when India signalled that it would not merely take part in the maritime contest, but would seek to define the conditions in which it would occur.

Author Brief Bio: Mr Siddharth Singh is a Senior Research Fellow at the India Foundation. He is also the Assistant Editor of the India Foundation Journal

References:

[i] IFR & MILAN 2026. (n.d.). IFR & MILAN 2026. https://www.ifrmilan26.com/

[ii] Global fraternity must join hands to tackle evolving maritime challenges, says Raksha Mantri as he inaugurates Exercise MILAN in Vizag. (n.d.). https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2230212®=3&lang=1

[iii] Desk, I. (2025, August 18). MAHASAGAR Initiative: India’s Global Maritime Outreach And Strategic Vision. IMPRI Impact and Policy Research Institute. https://www.impriindia.com/insights/policy-update/mahasagar-initiative/

[iv] Jazeera, A. (2017, August 1). China opens first overseas base in Djibouti. Al Jazeera. https://www.aljazeera.com/news/2017/8/1/china-opens-first-overseas-base-in-djibouti

[v] Singh, A. K. (2025, August 6). Harbors of Power: How China’s African ports are shaping India’s ocean Strategy – Australian Institute of International Affairs. Australian Institute of International Affairs. https://www.internationalaffairs.org.au/australianoutlook/harbors-of-power-how-chinas-african-ports-are-shaping-indias-ocean-strategy/

[vi] WION Web Team. (2024, January 15). What are 4 Chinese ships doing in Indian Ocean and why their movements are being closely watched. WION News. https://www.wionews.com/photos/what-are-4-chinese-ships-doing-in-indian-ocean-and-why-their-movements-are-being-closely-watched-1764333408418/1764333408425

[vii] Information Fusion Centre – Indian Ocean Region. (n.d.). Home. https://ifcior.indiannavy.gov.in/home

[viii] Singh, Swaran. (2026, February 11). Milan 26: India’s maritime diplomacy comes of age. The Diplomat. https://thediplomat.com/2026/02/milan-26-indias-maritime-diplomacy-comes-of-age/

[ix] ADDRESS BY HON’BLE PRESIDENT OF INDIA SMT. DROUPADI MURMU ON INTERNATIONAL FLEET REVIEW – 2026 | President of India. (n.d.). https://www.presidentofindia.gov.in/speeches/address-honble-president-india-smt-droupadi-murmu-international-fleet-review-2026

[x] HON’BLE PRESIDENT OF INDIA REVIEWS THE INTERNATIONAL FLEET REVIEW 2026 OFF VISAKHAPATNAM. (n.d.). https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2229820®=3&lang=1

[xi] Bhatt, P. (2025, November 21). SAGAR to MAHASAGAR: India’s maritime security achievements and way forward. South Asian Voices. https://southasianvoices.org/sec-f-in-r-mahasagar-india-11-21-2025/

[xii] INDIA ASSUMES CHAIRMANSHIP OF THE INDIAN OCEAN NAVAL SYMPOSIUM. (n.d.). https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2231000®=3&lang=2

[xiii] NatStrat. (n.d.). The Indian Ocean and its littorals. https://www.natstrat.org/upload/specialedition/the-indian-ocean-and-its-littorals-natstrat.pdf

 

Make Samsara Great Again? Karma, Renunciation, and the Critique of Activism

Abstract

This article reconsiders the meaning of karma in classical Jain and Buddhist philosophy and its implications for ethics and politics. Against modern popular and activist appropriations that recast karma as a principle of justice, responsibility, and worldly repair, I argue that Buddhist and Jaina sources understood karma primarily as a contaminant: the binding force that traps beings in saṃsāra, the cycle of birth and death marked by suffering and delusion. The task was not to perfect karma but to exhaust, transcend, or dissolve it, a project inseparable from the renunciatory ideal.

Part One traces this negative valuation of karma in Jaina and Buddhist sources, from the Jain metaphysics of karmic matter to the Buddha’s definition of karma as intention, to Abhidharma theories of continuity, and to Nāgārjuna’s radical deconstruction of karmic causality as empty. In each case, karma emerges not as cosmic justice but as the very machinery of bondage, demanding renunciation as its practical corollary.

Part Two turns to the broader implications of this view. I develop the notion of renunciation as a form of ascetic resistance: an apolitics that resists the karmic economy itself, neither reforming nor fleeing the world but refusing its logic of action and accumulation. This perspective is then contrasted with modern activist reinterpretations, which recast karma as a resource for social justice, ecological responsibility, or political resistance. While powerful in their own right, these activists risk reinscribing the very economy of action that renunciation sought to overcome.

Finally, the article suggests that the renunciatory critique of karma retains philosophical force in the Anthropocene. In an age of ecological collapse and political exhaustion, the lesson of these traditions is not that we must “make saṃsāra great again,” but that some problems cannot be redeemed within the frameworks that generate them. Their rejection of the karmic economy discloses another mode of resistance—ascetic rather than activist, apolitical rather than political—in which life is revalued as the possibility of peace beyond accumulation, identity, and striving.

Introduction: The Paradox of Karma

The idea of karma has long fascinated both insiders and outsiders to Indian traditions. In contemporary popular discourse, however, it is often reduced to a natural moral law, a cosmic guarantee of reward for good and punishment for bad. This simplistic notion has been eagerly adopted, typically with slight variations, by activist movements of many stripes, in which spirituality and politics are said to merge.[1] In this spirit, Neo-Jain, neo-Buddhist, and neo-Hindu reformulations—largely developed outside Asia—along with eclectic “yogic” lifestyles shaped by New Age thought, Western esotericism, and harmonialism, [2] recast karma according to preferred political allegiances.

Today, activism—political, social, environmental, or spiritual—is increasingly framed as a moral imperative, even a heroic stance. To resist its logic is to risk appearing suspect. Its discourse permeates the arts, academia, the media, and even religion, celebrating the “active,” outspoken individual as the virtuous counterpart to the villainous capitalist “businessman.” This cultural valorisation of activism profoundly reshapes how karma is imagined, especially in the popular wellness and spirituality literature marketed to Western audiences.

A striking example is found in Tibetan Buddhism, in the Karmapa’s The Heart Is Noble,[3] a collection of talks and teachings for a general readership, that recasts karma as a thoroughly worldly principle of interdependence and responsibility. No longer a subtle, delusive mechanism of bondage, karma here functions as an ethical calculus of cause and effect, urging mindful consumption, compassionate action, and ecological engagement. In this well-intentioned reframing, karma is reified as worldly justice, a summons to reform society through collective good deeds.

This article argues that while such activist readings appeal to contemporary intuitions of justice, they profoundly distort how karma functioned in classical Indian philosophy. Far from serving as a mechanism of moral progress, karma was more often regarded as a contaminant, a binding force that tethers beings to saṃsāra, the cycle of birth and death marked by suffering, impermanence, and delusion. The task, therefore, was not to perfect karma but to transcend, exhaust, or cleanse it. In this sense, the doctrine of karma was traditionally inseparable from the ideal of renunciation.

Johannes Bronkhorst has traced the genealogy of this transformation.[4]

In the Vedic world, karman meant a ritual act. Its efficacy was technical and amoral: properly performed sacrifices maintained cosmic order (ṛta) and secured benefits. Intention was irrelevant; precision was everything. The Śramaṇa traditions (Jainism, Buddhism, Ājīvikas) decisively broke with this worldview. For the Jainas, karma became a moral-psychological substance binding the soul; for Buddhists, karma was redefined as intention itself (cetanā). In both cases, sacrificial causality was replaced by moral teleology. Suffering and rebirth were explained not by divine whim or ritual failure, but by one’s own actions and desires. This moralisation of karma was revolutionary. It universalised responsibility, rendering human beings the authors of their fate, and explained apparent injustice without recourse to divine judgement. Yet it also introduced a new problem: karma itself became the obstacle. Whereas sacrificial karma had been a means of sustaining cosmic order, moral karma became the very machinery of bondage.

This article seeks to explore this paradox—the negative valuation of karma. I argue that in both Jaina and Buddhist sources, karma is framed not as a moral guarantee but as a contaminant to be purged. This reframing underpinned the rise of the renunciatory ideal and gave birth to what may be called ascetic resistance: the apolitics of renunciation. By refusing the karmic economy that bound householders to the cycle of desire and accumulation, renouncers carved out an alternative ethos, neither political reform nor quietist withdrawal, but a principled rejection of the world.

The paper proceeds in two parts. Part One turns to the sources themselves, focusing on Jaina and especially Buddhist accounts. It traces the development from the Buddha’s redefinition of karma as intention, through Abhidharma attempts to secure karmic continuity, to Nāgārjuna’s radical deconstruction of karma as empty of intrinsic nature. In each case, karma emerges not as a principle of cosmic justice but as the very mechanism of bondage. Part Two then considers the broader implications of this view. It develops the idea of ascetic resistance as a form of counter-politics, contrasts the ancient rejection of karma with modern activist reuses of the term, and asks what these traditions might offer for thinking about life in the Anthropocene.

I suggest that the result is a liberating way of reading karma: not as a consoling law that explains suffering, but as a diagnostic of entanglement and a call to detachment. This attitude, I suggest, constitutes a political stance in its own right, a quiet yet uncompromising refusal that should not be drowned out by activist rhetoric.

1. Karma as Contaminant: Jaina and Buddhist Sources
1.1 Jainism: the Weight of Karma

Few traditions take the binding character of karma as seriously as the Jainas. In Umāsvāti’s Tattvārthasūtra, karma is described not merely as a causal law but as a quasi-material substance (dravya) that adheres to the soul. The text enumerates eight principal types of karmic matter—knowledge-obscuring, perception-obscuring, deluding, obstructive, lifespan-determining, body-making, status-determining, and feeling-producing—along with 148 subtypes (Tattvārthasūtra 8.1–9). These karmic particles infiltrate the soul through passions and activities, weigh it down, and obscure its innate luminosity.

The consequence is stark: every embodied existence is karmically compromised. Even apparently virtuous actions, insofar as they involve attachment, attract subtle karmic matter. For early Jains, the mere fact of living the life of a householder binds to hell.[5] This is why Jain ethics often appear severe. The task is not simply to perform good deeds but to minimise karmic influx (āsrava) altogether and to wear away past accumulations (nirjarā). Liberation (mokṣa) is possible only when the soul is utterly freed from karmic accretions, rising naturally upward, radiant and weightless, by its own purified nature.

This metaphysics of karma underpins the radical asceticism for which the Jain tradition is renowned. Practices such as fasting, celibacy, vigilance over speech, and even the careful avoidance of harming microscopic life are not merely moral disciplines but techniques of karmic prevention. The renouncer’s refusal of worldly entanglement is thus both ethical and ontological: each restraint is a shield against new karmic adhesions, each austerity a solvent that dissolves past residues.

In this vision, karma is pollution; renunciation is detoxification. However virtuous the household path, it cannot suffice, for every social bond and every act of possession implicates one in fresh karmic influx. Hence the Jain renouncer embodies a mode of ascetic resistance: not the reform of worldly life, but its abandonment as karmically compromised. This resistance is not political in the usual sense, for it does not seek to restructure society. It is apolitical in the precise sense that it resists the very economy of action that makes politics possible. By undoing the bonds of karma, the renouncer gestures towards a freedom that can never be secured within the karmic order, the ritualised social habitus.

1.2 Buddhism: Karma as Intention and Bondage

The Buddha redefined karma not as ritual action, as in the Vedic context, but as cetanā, intention. In the Aṅguttara Nikāya, he declares: “It is intention, monks, that I call deeds (karma); For after making a choice one acts by way of body, speech, and mind” (AN 6.63).[6] Intention is thus the generative force of moral life: the decision to act conditions speech and bodily conduct, setting in motion consequences that extend beyond the moment of action itself. This definition both interiorizes and universalises karma.

Yet this radical interiorization also deepens the problem. While intention is morally significant, it remains entangled in saṃsāra: every volition, even ethical volition, sustains the cycle of birth and death. In Vasubandhu’s Abhidharmakośabhāṣya, this is formulated with clarity. Vasubandhu distinguishes between actions performed with wisdom (prajñā) and those without. The former—acts undertaken in freedom from self-delusion—do not generate karmic residue; they are “non-producing” (akāraka) and leave no trace.[7] But actions done under ignorance, even if outwardly wholesome, give rise to new karmic seeds and reinforce the latent dispositions (saṃskāras) that project future rebirths.[8] Karma, then, is not primarily a law of cosmic justice but the machinery of bondage: it binds beings to saṃsāra through the inertia of volition itself. No activism, insofar as it presupposes a continuing self, can thus make saṃsāra “great again.” As the Saṁyutta Nikāya (12.66) warns,

Whatever ascetics and brahmins in the future will regard that in the world with a pleasant and agreeable nature as permanent, as happiness, as self, as healthy, as secure: they will nurture craving. In nurturing craving they will nurture acquisition. In nurturing acquisition they will nurture suffering. In nurturing suffering they will not be freed from birth, aging, and death; they will not be freed from sorrow, lamentation, pain, displeasure, and despair; they will not be freed from suffering, I say.[9]

In other words, even the most ethical volitions, if rooted in attachment to identity, permanence, or conventional value schemes, remain karmically entangling. As long as action is propelled by desire or self-delusion, it perpetuates the cycle of becoming. Only acts of renunciation—gestures that sacrifice continued existence rather than revindicating it—fail to generate new bonds. They alone interrupt the momentum of craving (tṛṣṇā), bringing the karmic economy to cessation.

1.2.1 The Abhidharma Problem of Continuity

Within Abhidharma scholasticism,[10] the definition of karma as intention sharpened a profound philosophical dilemma: if all phenomena are impermanent and momentary (kṣaṇika), how can an action performed at one time generate fruit in another, even in another life? This is not a peripheral puzzle but a test of coherence for the entire Buddhist project. If the causal link between action (karma) and fruit (phala) cannot be explained, then the moral law collapses into incoherence.

Several schools offered solutions. The Vaibhāṣikas (e.g. Sarvāstivādins) maintained that dharma-s exist in the past, present, and future; hence, an action, though past, continues to subsist until its fruit ripens. The Sautrāntikas instead posited the seed hypothesis: an act implants a karmic seed that persists as a causal series of traces (vāsanā) until conditions mature. The analogy, often rehearsed, is that of a mango seed: though the seed perishes, the causal continuum it began—sprout, sapling, tree—eventually yields fruit. So too does karma operate through a succession of momentary traces.[11] The Pudgalavādins and some Abhidharmikas advanced a different view: the action leaves behind an avipraṇāśa, an “unperishing” residue, like a debt recorded in writing. This karmic record persists until repaid by fruition, ensuring continuity across lifetimes.

Both strategies sought to navigate between the Scylla of annihilationism (if an act perishes utterly, its fruit would have no cause) and the Charybdis of eternalism (if the act endures unchanged, it becomes a permanent entity). Their common aim was to preserve moral order without conceding a self.

1.2.2 Nāgārjuna’s Deconstruction of Karma

Nāgārjuna, in the seventeenth chapter of the Mūlamadhyamakakārikā (MMK), subjects these scholastic hypotheses to ruthless critique. His strategy is not to deny causality on the conventional plane but to dismantle the assumption that karma and its fruits possess intrinsic nature (svabhāva).

If an action had intrinsic nature, he argues (17.22), it would be eternal and incapable of being “done,” since an eternal entity cannot undergo transformation. If, conversely, actions lacked intrinsic nature, then fruits could arise from non-actions, collapsing all distinctions between merit and fault (17.23–24). Furthermore, if the determinacy of an act rested in its essence, it would generate endless fruits, even after the first fruit has ripened (17.25). And since actions are rooted in defilements (kleśa), which themselves lack ultimate reality, the claim that actions are ultimately real is incoherent (17.26–27).[12]

The consequence is devastating: neither action, agent, fruit, nor enjoyer ultimately exists. They are like illusions conjured by a magician, a mirage shimmering in the desert, or a city of the gandharvas glimpsed in the sky (17.31–33). Their efficacy in the conventional domain is not denied, but their ultimate status is void. In the Madhyamaka vision, karma is not a cosmic law but a conventional construct that functions only within the domain of ignorance.

1.2.3 Philosophical Consequences: Karma as Emptiness

What does this mean for Buddhist soteriology? On the one hand, the refutation of intrinsic karma secures the coherence of emptiness (śūnyatā): if all dharmas lack svabhāva, then karma cannot be an exception. On the other hand, this undermines any attempt to treat karma as a metaphysical guarantor of justice. There is no cosmic storehouse of deeds, no metaphysical ledger of moral debts. There are only dependently arisen series of volitions and results, provisionally designated as “person,” “agent,” or “fruit.”

The Buddha’s own words are here radicalised :

He who does the deed and he who experiences the result are one and the same’: this is one extreme, brahmin. […]

He who does the deed is one, and he who experiences the result is another’: this is the second extreme. […]

Avoiding these two extremes, the Realised One teaches by the middle way: ‘Ignorance is a requirement for choices.[13]

Nāgārjuna reads this not as evidence of a subtle metaphysical relation but as a negation of both sameness and difference, a denial of ultimate identity altogether. Choice (saṅkhāra), the taking up of one course over another, grounded in expectations shaped by a constructed self, as the Saṃyutta Nikāya (12.66) suggests, belongs wholly to ignorance. For the deluded, choice appears as freedom, the power to decide and act. From the Buddhist standpoint, such choosing is bondage: it renews ignorance, craving, and aversion, and thus sustains saṃsāra. The equanimous one does not choose but abandons.

1.2.4 Practical Consequences: Karma and Renunciation

At the practical level, the Madhyamaka critique underwrites an ethos of renunciation. If karma is not a cosmic mechanism of justice but a circuit of bondage sustained by ignorance, then the task is not to amass merit or secure a more favourable rebirth, but to withdraw identification from the very process of karmic accumulation. Renunciation thus entails not merely abstaining from the unwholesome or cultivating the wholesome, but seeing through the very moral economy that binds both alike.

This is why Nāgārjuna insists that the true escape from karma is not through abandonment in the ordinary sense (simply ceasing certain actions), nor through death and rebirth, but through a radical transformation of vision: meditation and insight into emptiness. Once the practitioner perceives that actions, agents, and fruits are as insubstantial as dreams, the binding force of volition is broken. One may still act, but without clinging, without the delusive appropriation that converts choice into bondage. Here Nāgāṛjuna meets Vasubandhu.

In this way, Nāgārjuna’s philosophy sustains the soteriological orientation of renunciation at two levels:

  1. Philosophical: By showing that karmic causality is empty, he prevents it from becoming reified into a metaphysical principle that would entangle the practitioner in endless cycles of moral calculus.
  2. Practical: By urging disidentification from action and fruit, name and form (nāma-rūpa) he clears the way for the cultivation of detachment and serenity.
1.2.5 Summary

From the Buddha’s redefinition of karma as intention, through the Abhidharma’s theories of continuity, to Nāgārjuna’s dismantling of the notions of deed and fruit, a consistent theme emerges: karma is not a principle of justice but a mechanism of bondage. Its coherence depends on ignorance; its dissolution requires insight. To recognise karma as empty is to disidentify from the entire economy of action and result, a renunciation enacted both in thought and in practice.

Within this vision, the task is not to improve saṃsāra but to unmask its very logic. The idea of “making saṃsāra great again” — the impulse to redeem or save the world through further action — is incoherent, for saṃsāra is a process without foundation. It cannot be repaired precisely because it is unreal, a collective hallucination. One does not reform a mirage; one ceases to chase it.

The philosophical deconstruction of karma thus sets the ground for renunciation. If action is structurally incapable of yielding liberation, then persisting in cycles of good and bad deeds can only perpetuate bondage. Renunciation is thus not merely a stoic attitude but the most genuine form of Buddhist activism. It is a final act of cessation, a withdrawal from the karmic economy, spelling out the apolitics of liberation: the refusal to participate in ignorance.

Part Two: Ascetic Resistance: The Apolitics of Renunciation
Renunciation as Ascetic Resistance

The negative evaluation of karma in classical Indian traditions gave rise to the ideal of renunciation. As Romila Thapar emphasised, the renouncer was never merely a marginal figure but a paradoxical one, at once rejecting social order and embodying an alternative authority.

Far from being life-negating, the techniques adopted by ascetics and renouncers […] have, as axiomatic, the belief that life can be the means of discovering immortality and freedom. […] To the extent that the two societies were kept distinct, there was a tacit recognition of the futility of changing the larger society; that the renouncers had links with this society however, also indicates that there was an equally tacit recognition of osmosis as a process of social change.[14]

In this light, renunciation appears not as an evasion of responsibility but as its radical reconfiguration: a way of embodying transformation, of teaching through being.

The renouncer does not seek to reform society through political action but to step outside it altogether. The householder’s rituals, duties, and property bind one to karmic accumulation; the ascetic’s refusal dissolves those bonds. Caste rules are ignored, property relinquished along with sexuality and family obligations, food taboos broken, and identities dissolved. This is not activism—an effort to improve the world through righteous action—but what may be called ascetic resistance: the refusal of the very ritual and karmic economy that holds society together. The renunciate’s authority derives precisely from detachment, the apolitics of liberation.

Modern Activist Reuses of Karma

Against this backdrop, modern activist reinterpretations of karma appear as profound reversals. Jin Y. Park,[15] for example, reclaims karma as intentional action and agency, aligning it with Hannah Arendt’s notion of action as natality and José Medina’s “epistemic resistance.”[16] For Park, karma is not passive acceptance but a creative practice of resistance: meditation, ethical cultivation, and mindful living become political acts that resist ignorance and injustice. This resonates with strands of Engaged Buddhism,[17] as well as with Black American Buddhist voices such as Pamela Ayo Yetunde and Lama Rod Owens, who frame karma as a resource for mindful struggle against systemic racism and oppression.[18]

There is undeniable force in such readings. They resist fatalism, empower the marginalised, and show how Buddhist categories can inspire collective transformation. Yet from the vantage of classical renunciatory traditions, they risk reinscribing the very karmic logic they aim to overcome. By valorising agency, resistance, and creativity, they reaffirm the primacy of action—the very mechanism of bondage. For the renouncer, karma was never a resource to be mobilised but a contaminant to be exhausted, dissolved. Activist inversions, by contrast, cultivate the very disease they seek to cure, treating saṃsāra as a problem to be fixed through political means. In so doing, they collapse reality into the flat plane of conventional truth—a ritual game without cessation (as in the Frankfurt School, where critique has no final resting place)—in which the perspective of nirvāṇa has no purchase. The renunciatory critique is thereby neutralised: the cycle of misery is no longer to be broken, but managed—made equitable, bearable, even aestheticised.

Toward the Anthropocene: Learning from the Renouncer

This contrast is not only historical but urgently contemporary. In an age of climate collapse, political polarisation, and existential unrest, the constant imperative to “fix” the world risks reproducing the very logics of accumulation, identity, and competition that generated the crisis. Activism, however well-intentioned, can unwittingly mirror the structures it resists, deepening cycles of reaction and exhaustion—the logic of “us against them.” For within saṃsāra, every solution already carries the seed of a new problem.

Here, the renunciatory traditions offer a different resource: not a politics of resistance, but an apolitics of renunciation. They remind us that not every problem is solved by more action. Fundamental issues require stepping back from the very frameworks that perpetuate them. The method is not quietism but refusal: the recognition that the karmic economy, like the consumer economy, is not redeemable on its own terms. As the Acintita Sutta (AN 4.77) warns, the precise results of karma belong to the “inconceivable” (acinteyya), beyond the reach of speculation or calculation—much like questions about the ultimate nature of the world itself.

To paraphrase a contemporary slogan, the renunciatory traditions warn us: we cannot “make saṃsāra great again.” The cycle of karmic action is not a site of repair or redemption but of perpetual entanglement. What they offer instead is a transfigured resistance—ascetic rather than activist, apolitical rather than political—in which life is revalued not as accumulation or identity but as the possibility of peace in equanimity. In this sense, the renouncer speaks even to the Anthropocene[19]: not by attempting to mend a delusional system, but by disclosing another mode of living altogether, one freed from competitive striving, identitarian divisions, and moral self-assertion, where freedom is measured not by remaking the world in one’s image, but by relinquishing it, letting it be as it truly is (yathābhūtam).

Author Brief Bio: Dr. Karl-Stéphan Bouthillette obtained his PhD (2018) in Indian Philosophies from the Institute for Indology and Tibetology of the Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, in Munich, Germany. He is now Assistant Professor at the Department of Philosophy (DoP) at MAHE. He published extensively on the early developments of Sanskrit philosophical doxography and now researches on the phenomena of list-making and taxonomy within the spiritual exercises of South-Asian gnostic yogas. In general, he is exploring the ancient South-Asian intellectual dimensions of spiritual life, especially in the scholastic and ascetic aspects of their expression. In brief, he has taken interest in what he describes as the ‘yoga of reason’, or the ‘path of knowledge’ (jnana-yoga) pursued by Gnostics belonging either to the Hindu, Buddhist, or Jain traditions.

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References:

[1] This tendency is by no means confined to Buddhism. Across the global marketplace of modern spirituality, one repeatedly finds the claim that spirituality and politics are not merely compatible but inseparable. Benjamin Riggs ( 2017), for instance, insists that “spirituality is not an other-worldly affair” but a principled orientation toward the world in which politics, far from being a distraction, becomes an integral field of practice. In a similar vein, AnaLouise Keating ( 2005, 242) defines “spiritual activism” as both an epistemology and an ethics grounded in interconnectedness, one that explicitly directs spiritual practice toward social transformation by challenging racism, sexism, homophobia, and systemic injustice. Such formulations exemplify the activist reframing of spirituality as a call to world-reform.

[2] See Baier, Maas, and Preisendanz 2018; Diamond-Lenow 2023; A. Foxen and Kuberry 2021; A.P. Foxen 2020; Godrej 2017; Goldberg 2016; Hauser 2013; Jordan 2020; Pacheo 2015; Shearer 2020; Sood 2020; Strube 2021

[3] Dorje 2013.

[4] Bronkhorst 2011, 2016, 2000.

[5] Johnson 1995, 25.

[6] Translation from Sujato 2018b. Insertions in parentheses are mine.

[7] Richard P. Hayes ( 1989, 10) explains: “an act that is motivated by wisdom can never be accompanied by a desire for continued existence, for wisdom is the very realization that nothing endures. In the absence of a desire for continued existence, the root cause for continued existence does not exist, and therefore an act that stems from a wise motivation does not have the consequence of continued existence.”

[8] According to Hayes ( 1989, 10): “An intention to act that is not associated with wisdom is bound to be associated with the belief in a continuing self. Such an unwise intention is bound to be accompanied by such conditioning characteristics as selfish desire or anger, and it becomes either an unprofitable intention, in case it is accompanied by a desire to bring harm to another, or a profitable intention, in case it is accompanied by a desire to bring benefit to another. Therefore, an unwise intention becomes profitable or unprofitable owing to its association with profitable or unprofitable conditioning characteristics.”

[9] Translation from Bodhi 2000, 605-606

[10] On Abhidharma, see e.g. Anālayo 2014; Bronkhorst 1985; Coghlan 2018; Cox 2004; Dhammajoti 2015; Frauwallner 1995.

[11] See the Milindapañha (Questions of King Milinda) 2.1.6, in the standard Pali Text Society edition translated by Rhys Davids ( 1890, 132).

[12] For translations of Nāgārjuna’s MMK, see e.g. Kalupahana 1991; Siderits and Katsura 2013.

[13] Aññatarabrāhmaṇasutta (A Certain Brahmin), in Saṁyuttanikāya 12.46, Sujato 2018a.

[14] Thapar 2000, 876.

[15] Park 2025.

[16] Arendt’s notion of action as “natality” (the capacity to begin anew through political action) and Medina’s idea of “epistemic resistance” (challenging injustice by disrupting dominant interpretive frameworks) both revalue action as creative and transformative. From the perspective of classical Jaina and Buddhist thought, however, this represents a reversal: karma is not resource but bondage, and liberation lies not in multiplying action but in renouncing the karmic economy altogether.

[17] For further discussion of Engaged Buddhism and Humanistic Buddhism, see, e.g., Duc 2025; Guruge 2002; Hanh 2008; Ives 1992; King 2009; Krause 2024; Queen 1999; Queen and King 1996; Laliberté 2024; Lintner 2009; Pittman 2001; Sivaraksa 1989; Stanley and Loy 2009; Subrahmanyan 2019; Sukala 2024; Yun 1994, 1995, 2000, 2003.

[18] For further discussion of Buddhism in relation to karma, systemic racism, and oppression, see, e.g., the following works: Giles and Yetunde 2020; Starlyte 2024; Owens 2020; Ward 2020; Yancy and McRae 2021.

[19] For further discussion of Buddhism, environmentalism, and the Anthropocene, see, e.g., Callicott 2017; Carvalho 2014; Chae 2022; Dorzhigushaeva and Kiplyuks 2020; Holohan 2022; Ives 2025; James 2004; Lim 2019; Loy 2019, 2015, 2008, 2003; Shiu 2023; Simonds 2025; Stanley, Loy, and Dorje 2009.
 

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