Introduction 

The education sector plays a pivotal role in shaping the socio-economic development of a state. Historically, India had a knowledge system that not only ensured the effective transfer of a wholistic episteme from generation to generation but also its enhancement as per the requirements of age, nation, and society. A smooth transition of this tradition to the modern day was hampered by successive colonial interferences, leading to several glaring gaps in the modern education systems. Recognising the urgent need to plug these gaps, the Modi government has introduced several groundbreaking reforms aimed at enhancing the quality, accessibility, and skill orientation of education across India. This article examines the trajectory of these reforms over the past decade, highlighting their impact on primary and higher education, research, entrepreneurship, and skill development.

Changes in Primary and Secondary Education

The Modi government has implemented a range of initiatives to improve the quality and accessibility of primary and secondary education. Notably, during the COVID-19 pandemic, the government launched the PM eVidya channel to facilitate remote learning for school students. Furthermore, significant budgetary allocations have been made to enhance infrastructure, digital literacy, and teacher training programmes in schools across the country.

Initiatives in the primary and secondary education sectors reflect a commitment to driving transformational change in India’s educational landscape. By embracing digital technologies, enhancing infrastructure, investing in teacher training, and promoting inclusive education, these reforms are not merely incremental improvements but signify a fundamental shift towards a more equitable, accessible, and quality-driven education system.

In the wake of the COVID-19 pandemic, the government’s swift adoption of digital platforms, such as the PM eVidya channel, which targeted almost 25 crore school students across India, demonstrates a willingness to innovate and adapt to changing circumstances. This digital transformation not only ensures the continuity of education during crises but also opens up new avenues for learning and collaboration, transcending geographical boundaries and traditional constraints.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi emphasised that the country’s education system persevered through the pandemic due to digital connectivity, underscoring that the government’s online-centric approach has led to a reduction in the digital gap.^[i] The bridging of the digital divide had been promised by the BJP government in its 2014 manifesto. Moreover, the emphasis on infrastructure development in primary and secondary schools underscores a commitment to providing every child with a conducive learning environment. By investing in modern classrooms, laboratories, libraries, and sanitation facilities, the government is laying the foundation for holistic development and lifelong learning opportunities. Over the past decade, school enrolment has exhibited a consistent upward trend, with figures rising from 96.7% in 2014 to 98.4% in 2022. Notably, there has been a significant increase in female enrolment.

The proportion of girl students aged between 11 and 14 who are not enrolled in school decreased from 10% in 2006 to a mere 2% in 2022.^[ii] During the question hour, while addressing supplementary queries from Members of Parliament, the Education Minister, Shri Dharmendra Pradhan, highlighted a notable increase in enrolment rates among girls. He mentioned that there has been a remarkable 31% growth in enrolment among girls from 2014-15 to 2021-22. Additionally, he noted that the enrolment figures for girls belonging to Scheduled Castes (SC) showed a substantial growth of 50%. Moreover, Prime Minister Modi pointed out that the enrolment growth rates for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribes (ST) students were significant, standing at 44% and 65%, respectively, over the same period. Among Muslim girls, there has been an increase of 45 percent in enrolment, he said.^[iii]

Critical to the success of these reforms is the focus on teacher empowerment and capacity building. Through targeted training programmes and recruitment drives, the government is equipping educators with the skills and knowledge necessary to deliver high-quality instruction and foster student engagement. Empowered teachers serve as catalysts for change, nurturing the next generation of innovators, leaders, and change-makers. Upon assuming office, Prime Minister Modi demonstrated a clear vision and purpose by launching the Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya National Mission on Teachers and Teaching on December 25, 2014. Named after the esteemed founder of Banaras Hindu University (BHU), Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya, to whom the Modi government has posthumously conferred the Bharat Ratna, this initiative reflects the government’s commitment to enhancing the quality of education and honouring the legacy of visionary educators.^[iv]

Addressing the pressing need to cultivate a skilled teaching workforce, Prime Minister Modi emphasised the importance of producing proficient educators during the launch of the mission. The Pandit Madan Mohan Malaviya National Mission on Teachers and Teaching is a comprehensive endeavour that tackles various aspects related to teaching, teacher preparation, professional development, curriculum design, assessment methodology, research in pedagogy, and the development of effective teaching strategies.

By recognising the critical role of teachers and the significance of quality education in national development, the Modi government’s initiative underscores its dedication to fostering excellence in the education sector. Through strategic measures aimed at empowering teachers and enhancing teaching methodologies, the mission aims to elevate the standards of education across the country, aligning with the government’s broader vision for educational reform and advancement.

At the heart of the Modi government’s education reforms is a vision of inclusive and equitable education for all. Initiatives such as the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), and the Rashtriya Madhyamik Shiksha Abhiyan (RMSA), aim to bridge gaps in access and quality, ensuring that no child is left behind. By prioritising the education of marginalised and disadvantaged groups, the government is laying the groundwork for a more inclusive society where every individual has the opportunity to realise their full potential. The Education Minister, Shri Dharmendra Pradhan, emphasised, “We believe that India’s essence is preserved within its languages, and the Modi government has taken steps to facilitate education in native tongues.” He highlighted that the Central Board of Secondary Education (CBSE) has issued a circular mandating the creation of teaching and learning materials in all 22 scheduled languages. Furthermore, he mentioned that in states like Madhya Pradesh, education in fields such as medicine and law is now being delivered in Hindi. This initiative aims to promote linguistic diversity and ensure that students have access to education in their mother tongue, fostering a deeper understanding and connection with their cultural heritage. Furthermore, the significant increase in budget allocations for primary and secondary education underscores the government’s unwavering commitment to investing in human capital development. This investment not only strengthens the education system but also fuels economic growth, innovation, and social progress, positioning India as a global leader in the knowledge economy of the 21st century.

On September 7, 2022, the Cabinet approved a new centrally sponsored scheme named PM SHRI (PM Schools for Rising India). This initiative aims to establish more than 14,500 schools across the country, focusing on strengthening select existing schools managed by various authorities such as the central government, state governments, union territory administrations, and local bodies. These PM SHRI schools are envisioned to serve as exemplars in implementing the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, which emphasises equitable, inclusive, and joyful learning environments. Over time, these schools are expected to emerge as leaders in their regions, providing high-quality education while accommodating the diverse backgrounds, multilingual needs, and varying academic abilities of students. The overarching goal is to empower students to become active participants in their own learning journey, aligning with the vision outlined in the NEP 2020.

By leveraging existing infrastructure and resources, the scheme seeks to elevate the standard of education across the country by nurturing well-rounded individuals equipped with the skills needed to thrive in the 21st century. Through the PM SHRI initiative, the government aims to address the evolving needs of the education sector and ensure that every child has access to quality education, regardless of their socio-economic background or geographical location.

In essence, the reforms in primary and secondary education under the Modi government represent a paradigm shift towards transformational change. By leveraging technology, enhancing infrastructure, empowering teachers, and promoting inclusivity, these reforms are reshaping the educational landscape of India, unlocking the potential of millions of young minds, and driving the nation towards a brighter, more prosperous future.

Analysis of Budget Allocations for the Education Sector (2014-2024)

Over the past decade, the Modi government has demonstrated a strong commitment to advancing education in India, as reflected in the significant increases in budgetary allocations for the education sector. Starting from Rs 68,728 crore in 2014, the allocation for the education sector reached its highest-ever level of Rs 1,12,898.97 crore in 2024. This notable rise in budgetary allocations reflects the government’s unwavering commitment to prioritising education as a national development agenda. The government’s budgetary decisions have been directed towards improving both the quality and accessibility of education across the country. Initiatives such as the Rashtriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA), the establishment of new AIIMS, IITs, and IIMs, and the upgrade of secondary schools have aimed at enhancing the quality of higher education and expanding access to quality healthcare and education facilities.

Skill development has been a key focus area of the Modi government’s education agenda, with significant allocations towards initiatives such as the Skill India programme, the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana, and the establishment of multi-skill development centres. These efforts are geared towards equipping the youth with the necessary skills to thrive in the rapidly evolving job market and contribute to India’s economic growth. The government’s budgetary allocations have also aimed at promoting inclusive education by addressing the needs of marginalised and disadvantaged groups. Initiatives such as the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan (SSA), scholarships for SC/ST students, and the establishment of Ekalavya Model Residential Schools have been instrumental in improving access to quality education for underprivileged communities and bridging the gap in educational outcomes. Despite facing various challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and economic uncertainties, the government has maintained its commitment to education growth by increasing budgetary allocations and introducing diverse initiatives. The significant rise in allocations for education in the 2024 budget underscores the government’s determination to prioritise education as a catalyst for national development and progress.

Another transformative blueprint in education has been the National Education Policy (NEP) 2020, introduced on July 29, 2020. Among its pivotal features are initiatives to ensure universal access to education from pre-primary to Grade 12, focusing on providing quality early childhood education for children aged 3-6 years. The policy advocates a new curricular and pedagogical structure of 5+3+3+4 years, aiming to break down rigid barriers between disciplines and streams. It prioritises foundational literacy and numeracy through the establishment of a National Mission, and emphasises multilingualism, promoting the use of the mother tongue or local language as the medium of instruction up to Grade 5. Assessment reforms include conducting board exams twice a year and establishing the PARAKH National Assessment Centre. NEP 2020 is committed to equitable and inclusive education, targeting socially and economically disadvantaged groups, and ensuring transparent teacher recruitment and performance evaluation processes. Infrastructure development, vocational education integration, and holistic learning approaches are other key components, with the overarching goal of achieving 100% Gross Enrolment Ratio (GER) in preschool to secondary education by 2030, thereby fostering a more educated and empowered society.^{[v] [vi]}

A significant initiative in the realm of education is the Atal Tinkering Lab (ATL) program launched by AIM (Atal Innovation Mission), NITI Aayog. This programme introduces state-of-the-art spaces, known as Atal Tinkering Labs, within schools with the objective of nurturing curiosity and innovation among students from grades 6 to 12 nationwide. Equipped with 21st-century tools and technologies such as the Internet of Things, 3D printing, rapid prototyping tools, robotics, miniaturised electronics, and do-it-yourself kits, these labs serve as platforms to stimulate problem-solving and foster an innovative mindset among students. The programme aims to not only enhance the technological skills of students but also instil in them the ability to think critically and creatively. Since its inception, AIM has successfully established 10,000 Atal Tinkering Labs in schools across the country. By providing access to cutting-edge tools and encouraging hands-on experimentation, the ATL programme empowers students to explore, experiment, and innovate, thereby preparing them to tackle real-world challenges and contribute to India’s journey towards becoming a knowledge-driven economy.^[vii]

Reforms in Higher Education

The focus in higher education is on expanding access and enhancing quality. This includes the establishment of new Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), National Institutes of Technology (NITs), and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), resulting in an exponential rise in the number of premier institutions in the country. Additionally, the government has undertaken measures such as scrapping the M.Phil. programme and introducing four-year bachelor courses to align higher education with industry requirements.

Significant reforms have been initiated in the higher education sector, aimed at expanding access and enhancing quality. Since 2014, remarkable strides have been made in establishing and upgrading premier institutions, thereby catalysing an exponential rise in the number of Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), National Institutes of Technology (NITs), and Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs) across the country. Notably, six new IIT institutes have been established, and the Indian School of Mines (ISM), Dhanbad, has been upgraded to an IIT. The Lok Sabha passed the Institutes of Technology (Amendment) Bill, 2016, facilitating the opening of seven new IITs in various states, further broadening access to quality technical education. Additionally, seven new IIMs have been established in the past six years, with six commencing their Post Graduate Programme in Management in 2015, and IIM Jammu, established in 2016, contributing to the enrichment of managerial talent across diverse regions.

In a significant development, 22 new universities have been established in the Northeast region, marking a milestone in the educational landscape of the area. Additionally, Ladakh has witnessed the establishment of its inaugural Central University, a significant step forward for the region’s higher education sector. Moreover, the establishment of the first-ever forensic university and a rail and transport university further underscores the government’s commitment to bolstering specialised education and research in crucial sectors. These initiatives aim to enhance educational opportunities, promote academic excellence, and contribute to the overall socio-economic development of the regions they serve.^[viii]

The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 has been a cornerstone in driving comprehensive reforms in higher education, with the overarching goal of increasing the gross enrolment ratio (GER) to 50% by 2035. The University Grants Commission (UGC), as the apex institution entrusted with formulating and executing higher education policies, has spearheaded various initiatives to align India’s education system with global standards and foster a culture of innovation and excellence. The introduction of a choice-based credit system (CBCS) provides students with the flexibility to choose courses and earn credits, promoting student-centric learning and interdisciplinary studies. Furthermore, the institution of an Academic Bank of Credit (ABC) will digitally store academic credits earned from recognised higher education institutions (HEIs), facilitating seamless credit transfer and degree awarding based on accumulated credits.

In line with NEP 2020’s vision of exposing 50% of learners to vocational education by 2025, HEIs are now mandated to offer vocational courses in all bachelor programmes. This initiative, coupled with partnerships with industry and NGOs, aims to equip students with practical skills in cutting-edge domains, thereby enhancing employability and fostering entrepreneurship. Additionally, renewed focus has been placed on open and distance learning, with the implementation of online courses and digital repositories, complementing traditional in-class methods. Furthermore, Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) are now eligible for credit-based recognition, providing learners with access to high-quality educational resources and expanding opportunities for lifelong learning and upskilling.

The holistic approach towards higher education reforms underscores the government’s commitment to nurturing a skilled workforce, fostering innovation, and promoting inclusive growth in alignment with the evolving needs of the 21st-century economy. By laying the groundwork for a robust higher education ecosystem, these reforms are poised to propel India towards becoming a global knowledge hub and a powerhouse of talent and innovation.

Focus on Research and Entrepreneurship

Research and innovation as key drivers of economic growth have been prioritised. The establishment of the National Research Foundation aims to promote interdisciplinary research and foster collaboration between academia and industry. Furthermore, initiatives such as the establishment of incubator centres have facilitated the creation of a conducive ecosystem for entrepreneurship and innovation in the education sector. In its 2014 manifesto, the government pledged to elevate the quality of academia and research, aiming to align Indian universities with global standards. As a result, research and innovation have emerged as central pillars driving economic growth and development. In addition, several initiatives, aimed at nurturing a vibrant research ecosystem in the country, have been implemented.

At the forefront of these efforts is the establishment of the National Research Foundation, a landmark initiative designed to promote interdisciplinary research and foster collaboration between academia and industry. This apex body will play a crucial role in directing scientific research across higher education institutions (HEIs) and public institutions, thereby cultivating a culture of innovation and creating synergistic partnerships between academia and government.

Aligning with the objectives of the National Education Policy (NEP), the University Grants Commission (UGC) is actively promoting research and innovation across disciplines, including the humanities and social sciences. Incentives are provided to HEIs to set up start-up incubation centres, technology development centres, and research facilities in frontier areas, fostering greater industry-academia linkages and driving innovation-led growth.

Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman’s budget announcement further underscored the government’s commitment to research and innovation. The unveiling of a corpus of Rs. 1 lakh crore, available at minimal or nil interest rates, aims to incentivise private sector investment in research and development, particularly in the sunrise sectors. This significant allocation reflects the government’s vision of harnessing the potential of India’s tech-savvy youth and fostering innovation-driven entrepreneurship.

Furthermore, the scheme to strengthen deep-tech technologies for defence purposes aligns with the government’s broader agenda of promoting self-reliance and indigenous innovation in critical sectors. This initiative not only reinforces India’s defence capabilities but also paves the way for technological breakthroughs with far-reaching implications for national security and strategic autonomy. The impact of these initiatives is already evident, with the emergence of a thriving startup ecosystem across regions. In Jammu & Kashmir, for instance, the conducive environment created by government policies has led to a surge in startup registrations, with the region securing top positions in the ‘Ranking of States on Support to Startup Ecosystems.’ Startups in diverse sectors such as e-commerce, horticulture, agriculture, tourism, and crafts have flourished, signalling the transformative potential of government-led interventions in fostering innovation and entrepreneurship. The unwavering focus on research and innovation aims to leverage India’s demographic dividend and technological prowess to drive inclusive growth and prosperity and to propel India towards becoming a global leader in innovation and knowledge-driven economies.

Revitalising the Indian Knowledge System

In a bid to preserve and promote India’s rich cultural heritage, the Modi government has taken steps to revitalise the Indian knowledge system. Efforts have been made to integrate traditional knowledge systems into mainstream education, ensuring that students gain a holistic understanding of India’s diverse cultural heritage. The Indian Knowledge System (IKS) cell, established in October 2020 under the Ministry of Education (MoE) at AICTE, New Delhi, represents a concerted effort by the Modi government to preserve, promote, and integrate India’s rich cultural heritage and traditional knowledge systems into the contemporary education framework. This innovative initiative seeks to foster interdisciplinary research, preserve and disseminate traditional knowledge, and actively engage in spreading India’s diverse heritage across various domains such as arts and literature, agriculture, basic sciences, engineering, technology, architecture, management, and economics.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been a vocal advocate for an education system rooted in Indian values, emphasising the importance of embracing India’s cultural legacy in shaping the country’s educational landscape. In commemorating the 200th birth anniversary of Arya Samaj founder Swami Dayanand Saraswati, PM Modi underscored the need for a return to India’s ancient wisdom embodied in the Vedas, highlighting the role of figures like Swami Dayanand in liberating Indian society from the shackles of superstition and colonial influence.

The launch of the textbook ‘Introduction to Indian Knowledge Systems: Concepts and Applications’ by Union Minister of Education and Skill Development, Shri Dharmendra Pradhan, further exemplifies the government’s commitment to decolonizing the Indian education system and revitalising indigenous knowledge systems. Emphasising the importance of integrating insights from India’s ancient past with contemporary challenges, Education Minister Pradhan highlighted the role of IKS in offering solutions to global issues. By fostering a dialogue between traditional wisdom and modern knowledge, the government aims to create synergy that addresses the complex socio-economic and environmental challenges of the 21st century.

Moreover, the New Education Policy (NEP) has provided a comprehensive roadmap for incorporating IKS into the higher education curriculum, signalling a paradigm shift towards a more inclusive and holistic approach to education. By recognising the significance of India’s indigenous knowledge systems, the NEP seeks to equip students with a deeper understanding of their cultural heritage while fostering critical thinking and innovation. This holistic integration of traditional wisdom with contemporary education is poised to enrich the learning experience and empower future generations to tackle the challenges of a rapidly changing world. The Modi government’s efforts to revitalise the Indian knowledge system reflect a broader commitment to preserving and promoting India’s cultural heritage and traditional wisdom. By embracing indigenous knowledge systems and integrating them into the education framework, the government is laying the foundation for a more inclusive, resilient, and culturally rooted society that draws strength from its rich legacy.

Skill Development Initiatives

Recognising the pivotal role of skill development in fostering economic growth and creating employment opportunities, the Modi government has spearheaded a series of initiatives aimed at empowering youth with relevant skills and enhancing their employability in a rapidly evolving job market. This commitment is underscored by the establishment of a dedicated Ministry for Skill Development and Entrepreneurship, signalling the government’s prioritisation of this critical area.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been actively involved in promoting skill development, as evidenced by his address at the convocation ceremony of the second ‘Kaushal Deekshant Samaroh,’ organised by the Ministry of Skill Development and Entrepreneurship. The establishment of Skill India Centres represents a strategic move towards aligning with the evolving needs of various industries, particularly in sectors like media, tourism, hospitality, and IT-ITeS, by providing practical knowledge and training to aspiring professionals.

The launch of over 500 skill development centres across 34 rural districts of Maharashtra by Prime Minister Narendra Modi further underscores the government’s commitment to preparing youth in rural areas for employment opportunities. This initiative, known as the Pramod Mahajan Grameen Kaushalya Vikas Kendras, aims to bridge the skill gap and empower rural youth with the necessary competencies to succeed in the job market.

The Skill India Mission, launched in 2015, has been a cornerstone of the government’s efforts to address the skill gap through short-term and long-term training programs spanning nearly 40 sectors. These courses are meticulously designed to equip individuals with practical skills aligned with industry standards, thereby enhancing their employability and reducing the need for additional training by employers.

Under the umbrella of the Skill India Mission, flagship schemes such as the Pradhan Mantri Kaushal Vikas Yojana (PMKVY) have played a pivotal role in imparting short-term skill development training and certification to youth across various sectors, including rural areas. With innovative components like short-term training and recognition of prior learning, PMKVY has established skill development infrastructure through PM Kaushal Kendras and, by October 2023, had trained over 1.40 crore candidates. The Craftsmen Training Scheme, operating through Industrial Training Institutes (ITIs), has witnessed substantial expansion, with over 5000 new ITIs established in the past nine years, offering skill training across various economic sectors.

Furthermore, the National Education Policy 2020 emphasises the integration of vocational education with academic education, promoting interdisciplinary learning and industry-academia linkages. The government’s focus on apprenticeship programmes under the National Apprenticeship Promotion Scheme bridges the gap between theoretical education and practical skills, fostering a skilled workforce aligned with industry requirements.

To nurture entrepreneurial aspirations, the government launched initiatives like the Pradhan Mantri Yuva Yojana and Startup India, aimed at supporting early-stage entrepreneurs and fostering a conducive ecosystem for innovative ventures. Additionally, the establishment of National Skill Development Corporation International and Skill India International Centres reflects the government’s commitment to enhancing the global mobility of skilled workers and meeting international standards.

The government’s holistic approach to skill development is evident in its collaboration with over 20 central ministries to implement various skilling and upskilling programmes, ensuring comprehensive coverage across diverse sectors and regions. The recent launch of Skill India Digital further demonstrates the government’s embrace of digital technology to streamline skilling initiatives and facilitate talent acquisition.

The government’s relentless efforts in the field of skill development underscore its commitment to fostering a skilled, empowered, and entrepreneurial workforce capable of driving India’s economic growth and competitiveness in the global arena. Through a combination of policy interventions, vocational training programmes, and entrepreneurial support schemes, the government is laying the groundwork for a future-ready India, where every individual has the opportunity to realise their full potential.

Comparative Analysis 

A comparative analysis of key indicators from 2014 to 2023 reveals the significant progress made by the Modi government in the education and skill development sectors. This includes an increase in enrolment rates, the expansion of educational infrastructure, and a rise in research output and innovation. Over the period from 2014 to 2023, the education and skill development sectors in India have witnessed notable advancements under the leadership of the Modi government.

First, enrolment rates across different levels of education have seen a considerable improvement during this period. The government’s emphasis on initiatives like the Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan and the Right to Education Act has contributed to enhancing access to primary and secondary education, resulting in higher enrolment rates among children. Moreover, efforts to promote higher education through schemes like the Rashtriya Uchchatar Shiksha Abhiyan (RUSA) have led to an increase in the number of students pursuing tertiary education in colleges and universities across the country.

Second, there has been a significant expansion of educational infrastructure under the Modi government. The establishment of new schools, colleges, and universities, along with the upgrading of existing institutions, has helped cater to the growing demand for quality education. Initiatives like the setting up of Indian Institutes of Technology (IITs), Indian Institutes of Management (IIMs), and National Institutes of Technology (NITs) have not only increased access to premier educational institutions but have also enhanced the overall quality of higher education in India.

Furthermore, the focus on research and innovation has led to a notable rise in research output and technological advancements during the period under review. The establishment of the National Research Foundation and the promotion of interdisciplinary research have facilitated collaboration between academia, industry, and government agencies, resulting in groundbreaking discoveries and innovations across various fields. Additionally, initiatives like the Atal Innovation Mission and the establishment of incubation centres have nurtured a culture of entrepreneurship and innovation, fostering the growth of startups and technology-driven enterprises in the country.

In conclusion, the comparative analysis underscores the transformative impact of the Modi government’s policies and initiatives in the education and skill development sectors. From improving enrolment rates and expanding educational infrastructure to fostering research and innovation, the government’s efforts have propelled India towards becoming a knowledge-based economy and a global hub for talent and innovation. However, challenges remain, and continued focus and investment will be crucial in sustaining and building upon the progress achieved so far.

Conclusion

The Modi government’s reforms in the education and skill development sectors have ushered in a new era of growth and opportunity for India. The reforms have not only revolutionised the teaching-learning process but also foregrounded outcomes and direction in the education section. By prioritising quality, accessibility, and relevance, these reforms have laid the foundation for a knowledge-driven economy that is poised to meet the challenges of the 21st century. However, challenges remain, and continued investment and innovation will be crucial to sustaining the momentum of progress in the years to come.

 

Author Brief Bio: Dr. Swadesh Singh holds PhD from JNU, New Delhi, and teaches Political Science at University of Delhi.

 

References

^[i] https://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/governments-online-focus-has-helped-narrow-digital-divide-pm-modi/articleshow/89736040.cms.

^[ii] https://scroll.in/article/1063192/a-decade-under-modi-education-spending-declines-universities-struggle-with-loans#:~:text=School%20enrollment%20has%20seen%20a,2006%20to%202%25%20in%202022.

^[iii] https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/india/26-5-rise-in-student-enrolments-in-schools-higher-education-institutions-under-modi-govt-education-min-dharmendra-pradhan/articleshow/106158808.cms?from=mdr

^[iv] https://www.indiatoday.in/education-today/news/story/pm-launches-new-teacher-training-scheme-232929-2014-12-26

^[v] https://news24online.com/education/school-education-reforms-in-the-national-education-policy-nep-2020/232825/

^[vi] https://pib.gov.in/PressReleaseIframePage.aspx?PRID=1847066

^[vii]https://aim.gov.in/overview.php#:~:text=AIM%20has%20launched%20the%20Atal%20Tinkering%20Lab%20(ATL)%20program.

^[viii] https://www.narendramodi.in/this-is-how-prime-minister-narendra-modi-govt-is-transforming-the-education-sector-557132

Aayushi Ketkar: How do you see the progress India has made in the last decade under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi? 

Jayant Sinha : In the last decade, India has transitioned from being a weak country, unsure of its future, to becoming a very strong rising superpower, confidently advancing towards the vision of Viksit Bharat. This transformation is truly incredible.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: There has always been this interplay between economics and politics. Perhaps, the economic part is even more crucial because we are a young nation, and we talk of the demographic dividend. Considering this demographic dividend, how do you view initiatives such as Atmanirbhar Bharat, Make in India, and the strong startup ecosystem, as being game-changers?

Jayant Sinha: A lot of us draw inspiration from Kautilya’s magnum opus, the Arthasastra, in which Kautilya emphasises that the foundation of a strong state lies in its economic prowess. That is precisely what Prime Minister Narendra Modi has accomplished over the last decade. When we came into power in 2014, India was counted among the fragile five economies, grappling with unstable macroeconomic indicators, raising doubts about sustained growth. Now, we are among the top five economies in the world and on track to being the top three. This transformation from being a fragile five country to moving towards the top three is indeed extraordinary and is the bedrock for the strength that India possesses today. The esteem and reputation that have come India’s way are due to this extraordinary economic transformation.

As you pointed out, given our youthful demographics, ensuring meaningful employment opportunities is paramount. But let me emphasise just five things that have been accomplished over the last decade at a very high level, with respect to our economy. Firstly, we have achieved macroeconomic stability. In 2013, we had a mini balance of payments crisis. The rupee plunged by 14-15%, and there was a real concern about whether India could manage its macroeconomic situation. But over the last 10 years, despite facing various shocks like the COVID-19 pandemic and disruptions in global supply chains due to events like the Ukraine conflict, India has maintained robust growth, with a GDP growth rate of 7-8%, inflation at 4%, and a current account deficit below one percent. Today, investments are rising, every macroeconomic parameter is extremely robust, and the world is looking up to India with great hopes and expectations. Maintaining macroeconomic stability, has been a major accomplishment of our government.

Secondly, we have transformed the social security system. Providing free food grains to 800 million people and delivering financial aid directly to bank accounts with minimal leakage showcases the effectiveness of our social welfare initiatives. Thirdly, substantial progress has been made in infrastructure development. The construction of 50,000 to 60,000 km of national highways and landmark projects like the Atal Setu bridge connecting Navi Mumbai with Mumbai, the construction of ports and airports, etc., exemplify this achievement. Fourthly, the rollout of the goods and services tax (GST), has formalised the Indian economy, leading to lower tax rates and increased tax collection efficiency. At present, indirect tax collection as a percent of GDP has gone up by two percentage points, which is huge. The fifth success story is the thriving startup ecosystem and the emergence of over 115 unicorns, signifying a renaissance in India’s entrepreneurial landscape, and offering hope for the future. So, in my view, these are the five major accomplishments that have propelled India from fragility to emerging as a top three economy on the world stage.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: That brings me to the next question, which is the role of youth and women in India’s growth story. How do you see this playing out?

Jayant Sinha: Today, the global landscape is characterised by deglobalisation, decarbonisation, and digitisation, all of which pose significant challenges to job creation. With global supply chains fracturing, it is more difficult now to plug into the global export economy. China had accomplished this earlier, during the globalisation phase, as a result of which it now accounts for 30-40% of the world’s manufacturing. That is harder to do when supply chains are breaking down. Today, the stress on decarbonisation, digitisation and artificial intelligence, makes it harder for us to create jobs. Despite these hurdles, India has excelled at generating employment opportunities, particularly for its youth.

The robust growth in formal employment, as evidenced by the EPFO data, which indicates that about 2-3 million high-quality jobs are created every year, reflects this trend. Furthermore, integrating more women into the formal workforce holds immense potential for driving sustained economic growth. While currently, 20-30% of women participate in the workforce, predominantly in informal sectors like agriculture, formalising their participation will fuel growth for decades to come. We have favourable demographics. With a focus on education and skilling, India is well-positioned to harness this potential. We have done extremely well so far, and I am hopeful that we will be able to manage it equally well going forward.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: The unorganised sector poses a significant challenge to India’s growth trajectory. How do you propose bringing it into the organised sector? You rightly said that efforts are being made in this direction, but this is a time-consuming task, and we do not want to miss out on India’s growth story.

Jayant Sinha: For an economy to grow, people have to become more productive. That is, for the same inputs, because of the higher skills and improved capabilities of people, there will be increased productivity. This is difficult to achieve in the informal sector because it requires the use of equipment and tools as well as improved skills. This, in turn, would require an infusion of capital, equipment, and skills. So, that is the transformation and the transition that we now have to undertake. The good news is that the Indian economy is gradually becoming more formalised, as indicated by the increase in the number of taxpayers from 98 lakh people before GST to 140 lakh post GST implementation. This is an indication that the formalisation of the work force is moving along very quickly.

We have about 6 crore MSMEs. As the Chair of the Standing Committee on Finance, I have closely monitored the MSME sector. Through the UDYAM portal, we have registered about three and a half crore MSMEs, all of whom now have bank accounts, a PAN number, and a GSTN, and thus they are getting formalised. They have access to credit, and their productivity is increasing. Because we are a very large economy, this transformation is gradual, but the momentum has swung towards that end, and we are steadily progressing towards it.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: Do you observe a shift from women’s empowerment to women-led development? Are we giving impetus to women in the startup ecosystem as we now see a surge of women entrepreneurs and women in key political roles? Many women of Indian origin have done exceedingly well abroad, like Indra Nooyi. This brings me to another question. How do you see the role of the Indian diaspora adding to India’s economic growth, especially through FDIs and investments?

Jayant Sinha: You have correctly identified two extraordinary reservoirs of strength that we have in India. One of course is our women, which, as of now, comprise just about 20-30% of the workforce. Recently, parliament passed the Nari Shakti Adhiniyam to reserve a third of our seats in our elected assemblies for women. This is aimed at bringing women into the mainstream and making them feel that they are not only leading but are also defining India’s destiny and are absolutely empowered to do so. This is being done through different mechanisms. Increasingly, as we formalise the economy, we are giving women the tools, the equipment, and the access to credit to make them entrepreneurs and leaders. So, this will certainly happen.

India’s diaspora, as per some estimates, numbers about 30 to 40 million people and is an extraordinary source of strength for India. Their purchasing power equals the purchasing power of India as a whole. So, it’s an extraordinary economic capability that we possess in terms of money, technology, and knowledge sharing that comes into India through the diaspora. Our outreach to the diaspora has been proactive, and because of the infrastructure that we have built and the quality of our cities, it makes little difference if one is working from New York, London, or Paris, or from New Delhi, Mumbai, or Bengaluru. In addition, initiatives like the privatisation of Air India facilitate easier access for them and foster stronger global ties. Direct flights from major Indian cities to global hubs not only benefit the diaspora but also bolster economic and cultural exchanges, positioning India as an integral part of the global community.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: Earlier, there used to be a debate between defence and development, the classic “guns versus butter” scenario. However, now we are emphatically pursuing both defence and development concurrently. This approach is bringing about a new India, a stronger India. With our enhanced defence preparedness and modernisation efforts, including the recent strides in defence exports, do you see this bolstering our soft power? Previously, India was renowned for its adherence to rules and other positive soft power attributes. Do you envision this advancement in hard power contributing to how the emerging Bharat or the new Bharat is perceived globally?

Jayant Sinha: I started by quoting Kautilya’s Arthashastra, which states that a strong economy is essential for strong national security. We have demonstrated this. Not only are we strengthening our defence forces, but we are also investing in new technologies such as drones. Because we have economic strength, we can invest in advanced technologies. As our economy grows, so does the amount invested in defence, which further increases our strength. This is not soft power, but hard power. What we follow is what President Wilson said, which is to speak softly but carry a big stick. We exhibited this in our stance on the Ukraine war, where Prime Minister Modi clearly stated that this is not an era for war. India’s voice is now heard because we can project our hard power very clearly across the world.

There are two more points I wish to emphasise. The first is that we are also enhancing our defence production capabilities through the creation of two defence corridors, one in Uttar Pradesh and the other in Tamil Nadu. Secondly, we are investing in advanced technologies. Through the Innovation Agency, our startups are being enabled to acquire advanced technologies in different fields, such as missile and space technology, drones, advanced munitions, aerospace, artificial intelligence, and cybersecurity. In all of these advanced areas, because we are building up our capabilities, we are able to project a lot more hard power.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: How do you perceive the “Modi factor” in the upcoming election, where we witness the “Modi guarantee”? How has the exceptional leadership of Prime Minister Modi, both domestically and globally, hastened the recognition of the new India by the world at large? How do you envisage the role of visionary leadership, including that of the younger generation in politics, in shaping this new India?

Jayant Sinha: The best way to think about the extraordinary contribution that the honourable Prime Minister’s leadership has made is to use the Hindi phrase ‘Yug Purush’. The Prime Minister is a once-in-a century figure. He is defining not just India’s growth and development but is also completely repositioning India on the global stage. His contributions have been extraordinary across multiple domains, which will be long remembered. After centuries, we finally have a chance to position India as a global superpower, and we have a leader like Shri Narendra Modi to take us through this transformation.

Often, there is a debate among historians, whether history is shaped by forces or by individuals—the great forces theory versus the great leader theory. I think, perhaps, both are required. In the case of Prime Minister Modi, it is very clear that great leaders are really, in some ways, able to harness these great forces and turn them to the advantage of the country. This is what we see happening in front of our eyes.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: Shifting to our final question, what challenges do you foresee for this emerging Bharat, and where do you believe our focus should lie? While sectors like finance, economy, and infrastructure have received considerable attention, areas such as education and health seem to demand more focus. From an academic standpoint, I perceive education as a critical game-changer, alongside the crucial role of the health sector. Could you shed light on the areas you believe require our attention to sustain the momentum of our progress? Additionally, with the advent of Modi 3.0, what trajectory do you anticipate for India?

Jayant Sinha: As I see it, the first five years (2014-2019), were about strengthening and stabilising India. The subsequent five years, under Modi 2.0, have been about resilience—dealing with challenges like COVID and conflicts while ensuring economic resilience. Looking ahead to Modi 3.0, the next five years will really be about global leadership and India’s emergence in the top three economies globally. We will be able to project both hard and soft power and will be a prime destination for leading global companies.

I am reminded of Prime Minister Harold Macmillan of the United Kingdom, who, when asked what he worried about, famously said, “Events, dear boy, events.” If you ask me what I worry about, it is not internal challenges, as we have a prime minister who can take extraordinary and courageous decisions and has the will to implement them. So our internal challenges will be appropriately addressed. But it is external events that we need to be concerned about, such as the COVID pandemic and the Ukraine war, which can destabilise our economy. So, it is the global macro-shocks that we have to watch out for and manage. The good news is that the honourable Prime Minister and his senior colleagues have been able to manage all such external shocks, and achieve resilience and stability despite them. Therefore, while we are equipped to manage internal issues effectively, we must remain vigilant and proactive in addressing external challenges.

 

Aayushi Ketkar: Thank you immensely for your insights. Your perspective on the past decade and India’s future trajectory has been invaluable.

 

Brief Bios:

Shri Jayant Sinha is Member of Parliament, Lok Sabha

Aayushi Ketkar is Assistant Professor, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.

 

The opening to China, détente and arms control talks with the Soviet Union that resulted in the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks (SALT) in 1969 and later the Helsinki Accords (1975) that secured Europe’s borders, and the bombing-cum-secret negotiations with Vietnam that won the Nobel Peace Prize, secured Henry Kissinger his place in history. President Richard Nixon’s decision to end the convertibility of the US dollar to gold to cope with domestic economic problems in 1971, while the dollar remained the fiat currency for buying oil, strengthened US dominance in world affairs.

Kissinger’s assiduous diplomacy in the aftermath of the Yom Kippur War (1973) coaxed Egypt-Israel talks and paved the way for a peace agreement between the two countries. More pertinently, his Middle East diplomacy elbowed Moscow out of the region for decades, until President Vladimir Putin deployed the Russian air force in the Syrian civil war in 2015. Moscow has since taken a high profile in the Gulf and in Africa.

Kissinger’s amoral foreign policy initiatives were often stiffly opposed by his State Department colleagues, but his proximity to Nixon helped him overcome all resistance. Under his direction, the United States supported brutal dictators in Chile, Vietnam, Cambodia, East Timor, and West Pakistan, and turned a blind eye to Turkey’s invasion of Cyprus. At the same time, he cynically crafted “human rights” as a tool to hound third-world nations to conform to US expectations.

China

The desire for an opening to Communist China has long been cited to explain Kissinger’s unwavering support to Islamabad in the slaughter of nearly three million East Pakistani civilians by the Army in the spring of 1971. Gen. Yahya Khan was secretly helping the Nixon administration to establish contact with China to create a schism between Moscow and Beijing, and create a rival Asian power on Russia’s southern border. Fifty years later, this seems less impressive as successive crises have forced Russia to rediscover its Asian roots; the Moscow-Beijing relationship is tighter than ever; and China has emerged as a formidable rival to the United States with its ambitious Belt & Road Initiative (BRI).

Ironically, the Pakistan crisis was triggered by Gen. Yahya Khan presiding over the fairest election in Pakistan in December 1970, whereby the Awami League of Sheikh Mujibur Rehman won the majority of seats. The results were rejected by foreign minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto; the subsequent crisis led to a massacre of Bengalis in East Pakistan, war with India, and the emergence of a new nation: Bangladesh.

The crisis saw the Nixon administration “tilt” toward Pakistan; the US aircraft carrier Enterprise was sent to the Bay of Bengal and China was nudged to make military moves against India, with the promise of US support if the Soviet Union came to India’s rescue. But Chairman Mao refused the bait, and the wider confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union failed to materialise.

In East Pakistan, the army’s rampage against Bengali dissidents and civilians alarmed the US Consulate General in Dacca (Dhaka); most notable was the shooting of unarmed students at Dacca University. But Nixon and Kissinger were unmoved, even though most members of the Consulate General in Dacca signed a dissent channel message to Washington on April 6, urging the US Government to condemn the genocide. Consul General Archer Blood endorsed the dissent; he was later transferred from Dacca. Archer Blood’s warnings to Washington were documented in Gary Bass’ book, The Blood Telegram (2013), which exposed the devious calculations of President Nixon and his Secretary of State, Henry Kissinger.

As millions of refugees from East Pakistan poured into India, the State Department suggested exerting pressure on Islamabad to restrain the army and set up a regional civil administration to check the flow of refugees and calm Bengali sentiments. Nixon responded with handwritten instructions: “To all hands. Don’t squeeze Yahya at this time.” On May 7, Kissinger met the US ambassador to Pakistan, Joseph Farland, in Palm Springs, California, and informed him about the opening to China, including Kissinger’s proposed trip in July 1971.

Washington was unmoved by India’s concerns. In June, Nixon and Kissinger met Foreign Minister Swaran Singh in Washington and urged non-intervention in return for USD70 million in humanitarian assistance to compensate for the refugees. Singh responded that the fundamental question was how to stop the flow of refugees (eventually estimated at ten million).

Kissinger again pressed for Indian restraint in his meeting with Prime Minister Gandhi in New Delhi on July 7. He then went to Pakistan, from where he made his legendary trip to Peking (Beijing) on July 9. In China, Chou En-lai told Kissinger that China would support Pakistan in a confrontation with India.

Washington viewed the India-Soviet treaty of peace, friendship and cooperation (August 9) as open support to New Delhi. In a meeting with Soviet Foreign Minister Gromyko in Washington on September 29, Nixon urged Moscow to help restrain India from war. Gromyko opined that Pakistan needed to be curbed. In November, Prime Minister Gandhi visited Washington and other foreign capitals to garner support for India’s position. Nixon informed her that war between India and Pakistan was unacceptable to the United States. Gandhi denied sponsoring Mukti Bahini guerrillas and dismissed suggestions that Indian forces were poised for conflict. Despite two meetings, she did not respond to Nixon’s proposal for a mutual withdrawal. Exchanging views on the visit, Kissinger said, “the Indians are bastards anyway. They are plotting a war.”

The war began on November 22 but was formally declared on December 3,  when Pakistan opened a front from West Pakistan, attacking six Indian airfields in Kashmir and the Punjab and shelling border areas. Nixon withheld USD90 million in pending aid to India. Kissinger urged Soviet chargé d’affaires Yuli Vorontsov (December 5) to restrain India. He said the United States viewed the situation in South Asia as a “watershed” in US-Soviet relations. Nixon underlined these points in a letter to Brezhnev on December 6, warning that if India achieved its ends militarily, with Soviet support, it would adversely impact US-Soviet ties. Kissinger believed India intended to break up West Pakistan. Eventually, Pakistani forces surrendered in East Pakistan on December 16 and India announced a cease-fire, which was accepted by President Yahya Khan.

Vietnam and Cambodia

The Vietnam War was a legacy of President Lyndon B. Johnson (Democrat). Kissinger was negotiating peace with North Vietnam in Paris, but delayed the accord to help Richard Nixon (Republican) win the election. When Nixon became President in 1968, Kissinger changed sides and became Nixon’s most important foreign policy adviser. He carried on the negotiations while the US was still bombing North Vietnam.

Kissinger informed Melvin Laird, Secretary of Defense, that President Nixon had ordered the secret bombing of Cambodia (March 15, 1969), in the belief that the shock would force North Vietnam back to the Paris peace talks (March 18, 1969). South Vietnam President Nguyen Van Thieu had already agreed to private talks (March 17, 1969). The secret bombing raids continued for a year.

After Seymour Hersh of the New York Times broke the story of the secret bombing of Cambodia, Nixon and Kissinger directed FBI Director J. Edgar Hoover to begin telephone surveillance on four US officials suspected of the leak (May 12, 1969). Hoover provided information on three persons, viz, London Sunday Times reporter Harry Brandon; Kissinger’s former aide Morton Halperin, and State Department official William Sullivan. However, the source of the leak was never identified.

Harry Brandon’s wife was taped speaking about opposition to Kissinger’s Vietnam policies among his former Harvard colleagues. Morton Halperin was planning to quietly resign from the White House staff after stepping down as a top specialist on Kissinger’s NSC. William Sullivan’s phone taps revealed that Ambassador Averell Harriman was planning to host a gathering at his home of State Department officials who had signed a letter of protest against the secret bombing of Cambodia. The FBI used this information to spy on the meeting at Harriman’s house; this was revealed in congressional hearings on the wiretap scandal four years later.

The Peace Agreement won the 1973 Nobel Peace Prize for Kissinger and North Vietnam leader Le Duc Tho. But the war did not end and Le Duc Tho refused to accept the prize because Kissinger had violated the truce he had agreed to when Hanoi was bombed on Christmas 1972.

Interestingly, Kissinger’s secret taping system recorded a late-night call from wire service reporter Ken Fried who informed him about the fall of Saigon and General Duong Van Minh’s unconditional surrender to the Viet Cong (North Vietnam’s People’s Liberation Armed Forces). Kissinger instinctively asked, “Is it true?”, and then tried to disguise the fact that he was unaware that the Vietnam War had finally ended in Washington’s defeat and the victory of the Viet Cong Communists (April 29, 1975).

The Vietnam War had a host of critics. Seymour Hersh, who won the Pulitzer Prize for exposing the My Lai massacre in Vietnam, noted that Kissinger never hesitated to dump those who “did dirty work for him” and became inconvenient. John Lavelle, a four-star Air Force general, was publicly sacked and demoted after he admitted authorising Air Force crews in Thailand to conduct bombing missions on unauthorised targets in North Vietnam.

Urged by Otis Pike, a New York Democrat on the House Armed Services Committee, to seek Lavelle’s version of events, Hersh met the general in Maryland. During their discussions, Hersh concluded that Lavelle had been given backchannel orders for the illegal bombing from Kissinger and Nixon because they wanted to covertly expand the war against North Vietnam.

Lavelle (d. 1979) never spoke on record and remained loyal to the White House. Later, Kissinger’s White House tapes revealed chats between Nixon and Kissinger about Lavelle’s plight. Nixon expressed unhappiness, “I don’t want him to be made a goat,” while Kissinger urged Nixon to stay out of the controversy. Nixon agreed but showed remorse, “I do not want to hurt an innocent man.”

Not everyone admired Kissinger or his grandiose views on shaping the world. President Barack Obama said he had devoted much of his tenure trying to repair the world Kissinger had left. “We dropped more ordnance on Cambodia and Laos than on Europe in World War II,” (The Atlantic, 2016) “and yet, ultimately, Nixon withdrew, Kissinger went to Paris, and all we left behind was chaos, slaughter and authoritarian governments that finally, over time, have emerged from that hell.” Obama said that while in office he tried to help countries “remove bombs that are still blowing off the legs of little kids.” Quite an indictment.

Chile

Kissinger’s intolerance of democratically elected communist governments led him to plan the overthrow of Salvador Allende in Chile. CIA documents reveal that in the weeks preceding Allende’s swearing-in, Kissinger supervised covert operations for a military coup that resulted in the assassination of Chile’s army chief, General René Schneider, on October 25, 1970.

Unfazed, Kissinger coaxed President Nixon to reject the State Department’s advice to build bridges with Allende and to authorise covert intervention to “intensify Allende’s problems” so that his government collapsed. “It was vital,” Kissinger wrote in a memorandum, “that the world’s first freely elected Marxist government must not be allowed to succeed”. Eventually, Allende was overthrown on September 11, 1973.

When Gen. Augusto Pinochet took over, Kissinger moulded US policy to help him consolidate his brutal regime. On complaints by his deputies of human rights atrocities, Kissinger retorted, “I think we should understand our policy – that however unpleasant they act, this government is better for us than Allende was.” Privately meeting Pinochet in Santiago at a conference of the Organization of American States in June 1976, Kissinger said, “You did a great service to the West in overthrowing Allende.”

Raul and Rene Schneider, sons of Gen. Rene Schneider, filed a civil lawsuit against Henry Kissinger and the US government for the “wrongful death” of their father on September 10, 2001. The suit was amended in November 2002, citing declassified US records as evidence of liability in the case. But, the judges ruled that Kissinger had immunity for actions undertaken as part of his official responsibilities as national security advisor to the President.

Kissinger was adamant that the US should not berate friendly military regimes for their human rights record, including assassinations abroad. This gave immunity to Gen. Pinochet in Chile, Gen. Videla in Argentina, and junta officers in Uruguay. Soon afterwards, former Chilean ambassador Orlando Letelier and his young colleague, Ronni Moffitt, were killed in a car bomb planted by Pinochet’s agents in downtown Washington, D.C.

Argentina

Kissinger’s distaste for human rights grew in proportion to the US Congress passing laws restricting US aid to regimes that violated human rights. He rebuked Assistant Secretary Harry Shlaudeman on learning that the State Department’s Latin America Bureau had issued a demarche to the Argentine military junta for growing death squad operations, disappearances and reports of torture after the March 1976 coup (June 30, 1976).

The demarche contradicted Kissinger’s message to Foreign Minister César Guzzetti during a private meeting in Santiago on June 10, to act “as quickly as possible” to repress leftist forces in Argentina. At a secret meeting with Guzzetti at the Waldorf Astoria Hotel in New York City, in October 1976, Kissinger reiterated his support for the action against the left: “The quicker you succeed the better.”

East Timor

Kissinger supported Gen. Suharto’s decision to invade East Timor in December 1975; between 100,000 to 180,000 Timorese were massacred. On the eve of the invasion, Kissinger accompanied President Gerald Ford to Jakarta to discuss US-Indonesia security cooperation with Suharto.

There, amidst a discussion on guerrilla movements in Thailand and Malaysia, Suharto mentioned his plans for “rapid or drastic action” against the newly independent country. Both Ford and Kissinger supported the invasion. Kissinger stressed, “It is important that whatever you do succeeds quickly.” (December 6, 1975)

Conclusion

A great admirer of Bismarck and Metternich, Kissinger respected American statesmen and diplomats such as Dean Acheson and George F. Kennan. He said Kennan had all the conceptual tools for shaping American foreign affairs, but lacked the ability to translate them into action. This was a gap he aspired to bridge, according to Jacob Heilbrunn, editor, The National Interest and non-resident senior fellow at the Atlantic Council’s Eurasia Center. Kissinger rose to the peak of power in Washington, a testimony to the rise of Jews in the Protestant establishment after World War II. He went to Harvard, joined the Council on Foreign Relations, and was an adviser to Nelson Rockefeller, the titular leader of the Eastern Establishment wing of the Republican Party.

His policy of amoral realpolitik in Vietnam, under Presidents Nixon and Ford, was widely despised by the right and the left. However, the Nixon-Kissinger policy of détente served to erode Soviet power. The notion that the arms race must be limited was very sound. Without détente, the Soviet Union may not have collapsed peacefully between 1989-1991. Kissinger dubbed it an “indispensable prelude” to the Reagan era.

Henry Kissinger maintained an exhaustive record of the memos and memcons he wrote or read regarding the secret deliberations, operations, and policies of his time at the White House and Department of State. He marked the voluminous telcons (daily transcripts of conversations he secretly recorded and had his secretaries transcribe) as “personal papers” and took them with him on demitting office in 1977. Careful selections were used to write his memoirs. The National Security Archive pursued these records for several decades and finally compelled the US government to recover them by drafting a lawsuit. This made a major repository of records of US foreign policy in the 20th century accessible to scholars. The documents reveal a different facet of Kissinger’s legacy and its appalling impact on the lives of peoples of Southeast Asia and Latin America.

As the first quarter of the twenty-first century comes to a close, a multipolar world order seems irreversible. The growing axis of Iran, Russia and China indicates the emergence of a new anti-NATO grouping. North Korea’s joining this ‘bloc’ could produce a formidable military alliance with an impressive array of weapons, advanced technology and military experience. China and Russia are already committed to jointly developing high military technology. Iran has received advanced Su-35 warplanes from Russia, and North Korea received its first satellite with Russian help. Russia, with 60 per cent of the world’s nuclear weapons, will be the fulcrum of this group.

The emerging world order is thus a far cry from the one envisaged by Kissinger and his patron-President, Richard Nixon, in which Pax Americana was to rule the waves far into the foreseeable future.

Author Brief Bio: Sandhya Jain is a political analyst, independent researcher, and author of multiple books. She is also editor of the platform Vijayvaani

 

References

• Henry Kissinger: The Declassified Obituary. The Primary Sources on Kissinger’s Controversial Legacy. Edited by Peter Kornbluh, William Burr and Tom Blanton, Published: Nov 29, 2023.

https://nsarchive.gwu.edu/briefing-book/chile-cold-war-henry-kissinger-indonesia-southern-cone-vietnam/2023-11-29/henry?eType=EmailBlastContent&eId=ddc144de-5acb-4bf7-ac3d-b3f8245b803c

• Henry Kissinger Is Dead at 100; Shaped the Nation’s Cold War History, New York Times, David E. Sanger, Nov. 29, 2023.

https://www.nytimes.com/2023/11/29/us/henry-kissinger-dead.html

• Foreign Relations, 1969-1976, Volume XI, South Asia Crisis, 1971. Released by the Office of the Historian.

https://2001-2009.state.gov/r/pa/ho/frus/nixon/xi/45650.htm

• Henry Kissinger Was the Right Man for the Moment, National Interest, Christian Whiton, November 30, 2023.

https://nationalinterest.org/feature/henry-kissinger-was-right-man-moment-207621

• Henry Kissinger Was a Legend for a Reason, National Interest, Jacob Heilbrunn, November 30, 2023.

https://nationalinterest.org/blog/jacob-heilbrunn/henry-kissinger-was-legend-reason-207622

• Henry Kissinger: ‘If it were not for the accident of my birth, I would be antisemitic.’

Benjamin Ivry-November 29, 2023

https://forward.com/culture/470300/kissinger-at-100-if-it-were-not-for-the-accident-of-my-birth-i-would-be/

• How Henry Kissinger tricked the world, Indian Express, Pratap Bhanu Mehta, December 1, 2023.

https://indianexpress.com/article/opinion/columns/pratap-bhanu-mehta-writes-how-henry-kissinger-tricked-the-world-9048637/

• Henry Kissinger’s (Maybe) Last Interview: Drop the 2-State Solution, Politico, Rolf Dobelli, December 2, 2023.

https://www.politico.com/news/magazine/2023/12/02/henry-kissinger-interview-israel-hamas-war-00129374

• KISSINGER, ME, AND THE LIES OF THE MASTER, Seymour Hersh, Dec. 6, 2023.

https://seymourhersh.substack.com/p/kissinger-me-and-the-lies-of-the?utm_source=post-email-title&publication_id=1377040&post_id=139504015&utm_campaign=email-post-title&isFreemail=true&r=8eknc&utm_medium=email