A nnumber of noteworthy developments pertaining to the Indian Ocean region have taken place over the last one year. My remarks are broadly aimed at analyzing those contextual happenings, while also explaining India’s evolving thinking on this important subject.

Some months ago, at an interaction on this subject in this very city, the significance in geo-politics of oceans in general and the Indian Ocean in particular was raised. It was brought out that we do not think of oceanic spaces as we do of continents and instead regard them more as a neutral, characterless vacuum to be filled by those most active. The granular complexity that a large landmass would present does not automatically extend to equally substantial maritime space. Some of that is understandable because it does not have the same population density. But somewhere in our thinking is the assumption, probably reinforced by the colonial period, to regard the seas as passages to transit and not an arena of activity by itself. The point I wish to underline is that perhaps the time has come for us to devote more energies and attention to a greater understanding of maritime activities and cultures and not regard them simply as an adjunct to the littoral.

Now, even as oceans go, the Indian Ocean is one that has been particularly disadvantaged in recent history. The irony actually is that it has long had an essential unity that is based on the monsoons. In fact, if anything, it is relatively unique in that regard. No other part of the maritime world has its fundamental economic activities so directly derived from cycles of nature. This unity was expressed over the ages primarily through maritime trade rhythms, that then carried over into migration, traditions, practices and faith. As a result, this ocean evolved its own special identity that is based on mobility, acceptance and inter-penetration. This historical inheritance is visible across its expanse, whether it is Hindu temples in Bali and My Son, in fact all the way upto Zhengzhou in Arab communities in Aceh and Eastern Sri Lanka or the Waqwaq settlers in Madagascar. Indeed, there are few more striking examples of global trends being expressed through the region as local presence. Remnants of influence after so many centuries only give us a partial sense of the intensity and vibrancy of what must have been one of the most active economic highways across this enormous geography. That they still tell their tale testifies to the fact that the overall ethos of the Indian Ocean was one of co-existence and adjustment, where respect for diversity was intrinsic to the promotion of trade. If we are to revive a sharper sense of its own identity, it is important to appreciate and foster this multi-chromatic picture of the Indian Ocean.

If pluralism and syncretism are deep historical traits in the recent past, they have been strengthened by liberalism as well. When we stop and think about it, the Indian Ocean is the most populous English speaking lake in the world, larger than the Atlantic. The colonial era did much damage to this ocean community. But it did leave some good behind in institutions, practices and values that today are naturally supportive of international norms and rule of law. My point, therefore, is that a combination of history – both ancient and more recent – provide the foundation today to build a more contemporary region with its own personality.

The reasons why we do not readily appreciate this unity of the Indian Ocean are complex and worthy of a debate by themselves. In part, it was the effect of the lateral fragmentation of the region by external powers. Colonial powers certainly created artificial firewalls through their administrative jurisdictions that diluted centuries of natural movements and contacts. Their dominance also saw an accentuation in the divisions between the ocean and its littoral societies with a shrinking of local maritime practices and capabilities. As these inherent traditions of sea-faring diminished due to the pressures of European presence, we were left with a less active visualization of this vast global commons. Decolonization and emergence of modern nation states again put such a strong emphasis on territoriality that it further reduced the salience of regional and trans-regional cooperation and flows. The Indian Ocean was thus seen as less intrinsically coherent than, say, the Atlantic or the Pacific. Even its constituents like the Bay of Bengal or the Arabian Sea are not deemed to have a culture like the Mediterranean, the Caribbean or the North Sea. The questions which arise – and are no doubt subjects for this Conference – are whether we should revive the ethos of the Indian Ocean region, whether we can, and if so, how do we do it?

The case for investing more effort into the revival of the identity and community of the Indian Ocean is now gathering greater support. It could be said that our collective presence at Colombo is itself an affirmation of those objectives. There are a number of reasons that explain this trend. To begin with, the littoral countries have generally developed strongly in the last few decades, with higher economic growth, better social indices, greater political influence and more confident postures. Together, they have lifted the overall region to greater prominence in world affairs. It is their aggregate national development, when combined with the progress of East Asia, that has led to the resurgence of Asia in global politics. The practical consequences of this growth have been a very marked increase – both from the demand and supply side – of goods and commodities through the Indian Ocean. As a result, the Ocean may well be on track to reclaim its historical reputation as the world’s primary economic highway.

Now, it is rare for opportunities and benefits to come without challenges or responsibilities and the Indian Ocean is no exception. We have already seen greater threats of piracy at its extremities. There are other factors that could also impede the regular flow of commerce. The Ocean and its littorals are particularly vulnerable to the threats of radicalization and terrorism. They are also feeling the consequences of climate change while being susceptible to pandemics. It is evident that responses must come from the neighbourhood itself. Both natural and man-made disaster and humanitarian situations can and will occur in a part of the world where fault lines of various kinds run deep. From the perspective of Indian experience, we have seen that recently in the civil war in Yemen, in the earthquake in Nepal, water crisis in Maldives and landslides in Sri Lanka. Today, we cannot realistically expect that distant societies that are increasingly engrossed in themselves would react to emergency situations far away. This is an era of dispersed power arrangements that call for self-help and burden sharing. The Indian Ocean, like many other regions, must find more solutions within.

Reconstituting a community identity in the Indian Ocean will be a painstaking endeavour. In its structured format, it would require oceanic forums like the Indian Ocean Rim Association to acquire greater content and higher profile. But that perhaps is an overly formal way of approaching what is a complex challenge. At the end of the day, getting a large number of countries with distinctive histories and diverse cultures to collect around a shared ocean space requires institutional and informal, regional and global, economic, cultural and civil society solutions. Building blocks do exist, once we start thinking of them in that manner. From the security perspective, the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium offers a broad-based platform for exchange of views. We have initiatives like ReCAAP and SOMS in South East Asia and CGPCS (Contact Group on piracy off the coast of Somalia) and anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden at the western extremity of this ocean. In addition, there are national, bilateral and plurilateral cooperative endeavours in play in the fields of maritime domain awareness, coastal surveillance and white shipping that contribute to larger oceanic security and safety. In this uncertain world, if there is a point of agreement, it is that the salience of alliances is decreasing. It is equally apparent that old fashioned military rivalries are giving way to more subtle and complicated competitions for influence. The future is to get nations whose interests are aligned or even overlap to work together on global and regional challenges in a non-formal but effective way. That would mean somewhat different agendas and conversations, with a more open mind and an appreciation for what each player can bring to the table. This trend is visible already in naval exercises, strategic consultations or infrastructure projects. Stability and order cannot be built only on the strength of capabilities. It must be tempered by the discipline of law, in this case respect for UNCLOS which was recognized by IORA as the constitution for the oceans. Freedom of navigation and over flight must be a given.

At the same time, let us not forget that this region boasts of established regional organizations, foremost among them being the ASEAN. The GCC in the Gulf, SADC in Africa or the BIMSTEC in Bay of Bengal can each make their contribution felt towards a larger cause. In fact, it could even be contemplated that larger global organizations like the Commonwealth could collaborate to strengthen capacities in the Indian Ocean region. Another promising avenue of exploration are initiatives like the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) whose vision document was unveiled at the recent meeting of the African Development Bank, or the International North-South Transport Corridor that promises to reduce transit time and costs to Europe. Connecting these many dots and lines to create a greater sense of coherence is a growing necessity.

Clearly, much depends on how the possibilities of connectivity unfold in Asia. There are today various approaches and initiatives that offer choices to the nations of this region. Many would understandably like to make the best of all these opportunities. But the experiences of the last decade underline the importance of making mature and considered decisions in this regard. There is a growing understanding that following universally recognized international norms, good governance, rule of law, transparency, openness and equality are essential for better outcomes. Even more critical is observing principles of financial responsibility, ensuring transfer of technology and promoting a sense of local ownership. The ethos of the Indian Ocean is a consultative one and in the long run, it is the people-centric initiatives and projects that are likely to be more sustainable. While we tend to think of connectivity in physical terms, let us not forget that it has its softer aspects that are actually no less important. People-to-people contacts, religious travel and exchanges, heritage conservation and cultural promotion are all enabling factors that can contribute to a greater sense of bonding among societies. It is, therefore, essential that we approach the connectivity challenge with a holistic perspective – community centered not transactional – that has a purpose of common good as its primary driving force.

India’s particular contribution to the prospects of the Indian Ocean region was spelt out in detail by the External Affairs Minister yesterday. I would categorize them into four broad themes: (a) hinterland linkages and strengthening regionalism (b) maritime contributions and support (c) linking South Asia to South East Asia through an Act East policy and to the Gulf through a Think West approach, and (d) assume larger responsibilities as a net security provider with an integrated approach, reflected in the SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision. Each of these aspects is by now sufficiently advanced to be appreciated by those who have an interest in this region’s future. I would particularly emphasise that India is today devoting greater resources and energy and assigning greater priority to building connectivity, contacts and cooperation at the heart of its Neighbourhood First policy. This is evident in progress in areas like power generation and transmission, rail and road transport, port and waterways transport and in educational and health exchanges with virtually all its neighbours. In parallel, we have endeavoured to ensure the safety and security of maritime traffic through the ocean by strengthening skills and logistics of our southern neighbours like Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles. In this context, let me also emphasise that states with necessary capabilities have an obligation to ensure that smaller states are made more secure through EEZ surveillance and that their full rights are established through hydrographic cooperation. We will be guided by the development and security priorities of our partners and our approach will focus on the big picture, rather than be driven by narrower reciprocal considerations.

No analysis of the Indian Ocean would be complete without capturing the development at its extremities, be they the eastern coast of Africa or the Pacific islands. The holding of Pacific Islands Summits and the enhancement of our engagements and development projects is as important a development as our shared goal of climate justice. The story of India’s development assistance to Africa has similarly not got the attention it deserves, partly because it does not play to the gallery. On the contrary, its focus on people-centric economic and social activities has given it a lower profile though broader support. In the last few years alone, projects financed and built by India span a wide range of sectors across this vast geography. They include water projects from Tanzania to Sierra Leone, hydel and thermal power plants in Congo and Zambia to Sudan, rural electricity networks in Mozambique and Gambia, sugar factories in Malawi and Ethiopia and IT projects and vocational training centres across the continent. We are today closely engaged with the East African countries on the Indian Ocean periphery with whom we have longer historical contact and closer proximity.

A few words about the IORA. In 2011, we had proposed at the 11th Council of Ministers Meeting at Bengaluru that cooperation focus on maritime safety and security, trade and investment facilitation, fisheries management, disaster risk management, academics and S&T, and tourism and cultural exchange. Our focus currently is to ensure that initiatives announced at the 2016 Bali COM meeting are expeditiously implemented. Five of them – the Blue Economy dialogue, the Indian Ocean seminar, the International Relations conference, the SME workshop and the initiative to set up a centre for medicinal plants – have progressed. Plans are underway to deliver on commitments on water, science and technology, water security and sustainability, women’s entrepreneurship, innovation exposition, maritime safety and security, media exchanges and renewable energy.

The Indian Ocean is about people, culture and commerce. Appreciating its complex texture and intricate nuances is essential to nurture its growth and resurgence. It must be approached with empathy, not as a business. It must be treated as a partner, not as an arena. The goal must be inter-dependence, not dominance. An authoritative account of this region noted that while the monsoons may no longer dictate when ships can travel, yet its rhythms still pervade the lives of billions of people. The Indian Ocean is renewing its status as a zone of encounters and a cross-roads of culture. The time is approaching for it to come back into its own.

*This article is a summary of the address delivered by Dr. S. Jaishankar, Foreign Secretary, Government of India, on  1st September, 2017 at the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo,
Sri Lanka organised by India Foundation.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India completed 70 years of its independence. The progress that India has made in various sectors is an exemplary story of our times. India’s achievements in the fields of science, technology, and social innovation have been a particular inspiration.

India has also proved that it is democracy that binds diverse societies together while promoting tolerance and individual dignity. By showing one can achieve these high ideals even at low national incomes; democracy has been India’s gift to developing world.

We hope for a strong, stable, peaceful, democratic and prosperous Nepal. We know this is also in the interest of our neighbours. On our part, Nepal has made it clear that under no circumstances would it allow its soil to be used against its neighbours. Beyond solidarity India is also one of Nepal’s most important partners in development. It has been a reliable friend and neighbour in need and hardship.

We are grateful for India’s generous support towards socio-economic change, and humanitarian assistance in Nepal going back decades. We also share several regional and global platforms. It is our firm conviction that international cooperation is not a choice but a compulsion. Nepal aspires to grow together with SAARC and BIMSTECcountries.

Our main priority is better connectivity of infrastructure, technology, energy, markets, ideas and high culture. We also seek meaningful cooperation in trade, investment, tourism and finance.

Transnational challenges such as terrorism, climate change, natural disasters and food security pose a new genre of challenges. Nepal condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We call for concerted efforts to combat this menace wherever it is seen. In addition to natural hazards like the earthquakes of 2015, Nepal is also bearing the brunt of climate change despite negligible contribution to greenhouse gas emissions.

We recall with pride the active participation of great Nepali leaders like B.P. Koirala in India’s freedom movement. They responded to the call of Gandhiji, boycotted government schools and joined the Quit India Movement in 1942. B.P. Koirala taught us, “Democracy is indivisible, if you want democracy at home, you cannot afford to neglect all struggles for it.” He believed that when the British rule ends in India, it would be Nepal’s turn for democracy. He was prophetic. In seven decades of struggle, democracy has seen ups and downs in Nepal. We are grateful to the people and the Government of India for their goodwill and moral support for all democratic movements in Nepal since the 1950s.

After the historic people’s movement in 2006, Nepal today is in midst of a profound transfor-mation. The constitution we promulgated in 2015 was written in the most democratic and inclusive manner. It accommodates aspirations of diverse ethnic groups. It guarantees every woman right to lineage and right to property without discrimina-tion. All full and fair gender balance is ensured in all high offices of state.

Still, we consider our constitution to be a living and dynamic document that is open to revisions as and when required. Just three days ago, we voted on an important amendment to address the concerns raised by people from Tarai-Madhesh. Though the amendment did not muster the two-thirds majority of votes required, the process brought to the forefront the wider acceptance and importance of the issue raised. It showed the commitment of parties like the Nepali Congress to redress grievances of its citizens.

As all of us know, politics is process. For our democracy to mature, we have realized that it is necessary to overcome the legacy of the past. We will take everybody along on the journey towards greater prosperity, inclusion and dignity. Democracies must deliver to stay relevant in a world that is deeply inter-connected. Today’s citizens demand better governance to advance their rising aspirations.

Our foreign policy is dictated by the interest of the Nepali people and the principles of Panchsheel. The five principles of peaceful co-existence that are derived from the teachings of Siddhartha Gautam – the enlightened son of Nepal. Nepal’s foreign policy priority begins with its neighbouring countries. We consider trust as a pre-requisite to an enduring relationship. Nepal-India relations are unique and unparalleled in character. People of the two countries share special bonds and affinity. From Janakpur to Ayodhya, Lumbini to Bodhgaya, or Pashupatinath to Vishwanath, we share a common set of values, culture and civilization.

The advent of democracy has further honed people-to-people contacts and deepened mutual trust across a wide spectrum. But my emphasis is on the fact that the more policy challenges become complex, the greater the salience of democracy to garner consensus and mediate likely conflicts.

The world watches Asia with great interest today. While this region is the world’s brightest spot in the 21st century, there are also major challenges staring at us. We need to work together to make the most of existing opportunities. A shared vision of prosperity based on the foundation of peace, stability and democracy, we hope, will uplift us all.

And we believe that Nepal and India – as one of the closest neighbours in the world – have a vital bearing on this march towards greater freedoms and progress. No country, however big and powerful, can deal with these transnational challenges alone. This demands stronger partnership and deeper collaboration among us all.

In November 2016, I had the honour of delivering the 12th Nehru Memorial Lecture at Jawaharlal Nehru University. There, I argued that a vision of economic prosperity and political freedoms must go hand in hand in the 21st century. I had raised a few development challenges that we must all confront together.

The first is about our young demography, and the challenge of finding decent, well- paying jobs on a mass scale at a time when the world is witnessing the fourth industrial revolution.

The second is about harnessing renewable resources, such as hydro-power, and mitigating climate change. How do we manage our common natural resources?

The third is probably the biggest generational challenge of our times. It is about ending absolute poverty by 2030, narrowing inequality within and across countries, and reducing vulnerabilities.

The fourth issue is to grapple with both the challenges and opportunities that come with intense urbanization. How do we build sustainable cities and prosperous villages?

And the fifth development challenge of our times will be to adapt to new patterns of production, trade and employment that are being disrupted by technological breakthroughs. How do we manage dislocation of established patterns of livelihood? I am only flagging these issues.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Shri Sher Bahadur Deuba, Prime Minister of

Nepal at the Civic Reception hosted in his honour by India Foundation at New Delhi on 24th August, 2017.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India and Mauritius have nurtured a very special relationship for decades – a relationship that keeps growing from strength to strength.

Mauritius as you may know has come a long way as a small island nation. We have diversified our economy significantly from a sugar based mono-crop economy since independence on the 12th of March 1968 to a modern service economy only two decades later. Today, as we stand at the dawn of the 50th anniversary of our independence we also stand proud of our achievements.The helping hand of India has been significant in achieving this progress. We could not have reached to where we are now without the help of friendly nations and India has always been by our side.

Since Independence, our country has had to weather many storms and even black swan events. But we have against all the odds raised the standard of living of our people through free education to one and all. All along we have seen our relationship with India grow and evolve – from one which was centered on cultural cooperation in the early days of independence to one that became more and more focused on economic cooperation in the eighties and late nineties.

And now with Prime Minister Modi I can say that the relationship between our two nations is extending to areas like technology, innovation, digitalisation and also to coming together to reach out to Africa. In fact, Indo-Mauritian relations have never been so deep and so strong. India, as has been the case all the time, still strikes a very emotional chord in the hearts of Mauritians.

On the other hand, we are very happy to see that India is now one of the most prominent players on the world economic and political front. The world around us keeps changing very fast. Just a few years ago we were talking about globalisation and free trade and all the good that it meant to the whole world. Many countries like Mauritius were condemned to adapt. We have changed our development paradigm to become more open to trade, to investment and to foreign expertise when under pressure to join the free trade we totally liberalised our trade and economy. In fact, Mauritius is almost a duty-free island now. And we are among the most liberalised economies in the world. When Reaganomics and Thatcherism swept the world, we deregulated extensively. Today, we fear that the world may go back to the policies of the sixties and seventies where protectionism was the order of the day.

One cannot help but think that it was the protectionist policies of the then developed countries, in particular their hostile attitude to manufacturing products from developing countries – that had stifled the industrialisation efforts of countries in Africa, Latin America, and also Asia.  And this includes countries like India, Brazil and Mauritius amongst many others.

Today we must seriously ask ourselves whether these days will be back. And if they are back – how will the world order unfold in the next few years? Looking at the world today, retrospectively to the start of the great recession, with the benefit of hindsight, we can seriously put into question the ability of traditional fiscal and monetary policies to take economies out of recessions and put them on a recovery path.

Is the fear of deflation behind us? There are so many questions that need to be answered so that we can as policy makers make the right choices and implement the right policies.  But there are also so many events at the geopolitical level, the rise of terrorism and even normal political events that are resulting in surprises that development considerations are fast moving to backstage.

Mauritius is nevertheless doing its very best to adapt.  We are a small nation – what we would call a price taker and not a price setter. I have decided that the next lap of our development will have to be innovation driven. We are fast losing our competitiveness against the low wage export platforms and our global competitiveness will therefore be determined by our ability to innovate.

We also realise that we are experiencing a demographic shift in our country that will constrain our development. The fertility rate is falling and our population is ageing fast. This means that our population will start decreasing in the coming decades. With an already exiguous domestic market we are condemned to be an export dependent nation, unlike countries like India that can also leverage its domestic market to fuel growth.

That is why we are pursuing policies to broaden our economic space through a New Africa Strategy and the Ocean Economy. The new Africa Strategy opens a market of some 1 billion people and with good prospects for growth in the future. This is an endeavour that we know we will not be able to do alone. We are expecting the collaboration of India and Indian investors for mutual benefits.

And as regards the Ocean Economy, it opens up some 2.3 million square kilometers of maritime economic space. In fact, Mauritius has one of the largest exclusive economic zones in the world. This offers immense opportunity for long term and even very long-term development. In fact, our ocean economy, including our seafood hub, fisheries, port activities and tourism already contributes around 10 percent to our GDP.

We are also investing massively in infrastructure because we believe that such investments will bring in hefty dividends in the medium and long-term. Thanks to support from India we will have a sophisticated light railway system to modernise our public transport system. And we are also investing to transform our port into a maritime hub for the region, expanding our airport capacity, and extending our road networks.

There will thus be vast opportunities for further strengthening ties between our two governments, our entrepreneurs and investors and indeed our nation. The rapid conclusion of CECPA negotiations is of high priority to our two nations.

I hope that India will continue its march to greatness and to continue in its endeavour to shape a better world for all of us. Mauritius has made its choice under my Prime-ministership – India is our strategic partner. Thank you India.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Shri Pravind Kumar Jugnauth,
Prime Minister of Mauritius at the civic réception hosted in his honour by
India Foundation at New Delhi on 27th May, 2017.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Our sincere felicitations to Shri Pravind Jugnauth,the Hon’ble Prime Minister of Mauritius on his assumption of the august office of the Prime Minister of Mauritius since January 2017. We are happy that he had chosen India for his first visit abroad after taking over as the Prime Minister. Such visits assume significance as they strengthen the special bilateral relationship between India and Mauritius.

Eminent thinker Mark Twain has once said about Mauritius, “You gather the idea that Mauritius was made first, and then heaven, and that heaven was copied after Mauritius.”  Mauritius is a very beautiful country. The Diaspora linkages between Mauritius and India are amongst the strongest so much so that Indian Ocean does not separate us but actually connects us. Our relationship is growing from strength to strength as the years go by. Mauritius enjoys the unbound love, unlimited affection and unconditional support of India and this is a sentiment that cuts across party lines. I am sure the feeling is mutual and the same love exists on Mauritian side also.

India-Mauritius relations are not based on regional geo-polity but their foundation lies in strong social and cultural bonds, historical traditions and our shared rich heritage. The people who went to Mauritius from India took their language, customs, traditions, religious beliefs with them to their new abode. As a result our ties are deep rooted and identities so common that culturally we cannot be separated from each other.

The brief stopover by Mahatma Gandhi en route to India from South Africa in 1901 is still etched in the consciousness of Mauritius. The visit of Barrister Manilal Doctor in 1907 on the suggestions of Gandhiji helped the Mauritian Indian community to organize themselves and laid the foundation of the struggle for political and social rights. As a tribute to Gandhiji and the Indian freedom struggle, the national day of Mauritius is celebrated on March 12 (the day Dandi March was started by Gandhi ji.). It is an excellent gesture on the part of Mauritius to honour Gandhiji’s work and influence.

The Indian Diaspora, today, has grown into an energetic and confident community of over 30 million that has given India a presence in all the continents of the world. It makes all Indians proud when the overseas Indian community is recognized for its work culture, discipline, social values and capacity to integrate successfully with the local community and respect their traditions.

Since 1948, diplomatic relations between India and Mauritius have continually deepened and today they touch diverse areas of cooperation. The rich bilateral relations could be seen from our wide range of agreements and MoUs which include vivid areas including taxation, Air Services, science and technology, tourism, environment, traditional system of medicine, among others. It is a matter of satisfaction that India is largest trading partner of Mauritius and has been the largest exporter of goods and services to Mauritius since 2007. India and Mauritius also enjoy close cultural and educational ties. India is one among the most favourite destinations of Mauritian students for higher education. It is also encouraging to note that several Indian educational institutions have also started functioning in Mauritius.

We recall how Mauritius had made great strides in economic development by a set of sound policies since the times of Sir Anerood Jugnauth. He has been a friend of India who rendered continued support for India’s causes and concerns and was instrumental in strengthening our relations, particularly in creating technology-based projects. Today, we are confident that the Hon. Prime Minister will carry forward that vision and the Mauritian economy will receive further growth and all round development under his able and dynamic leadership.

We all appreciate President Dr Ameenah Gurib-Fakim, the first woman elected President of Mauritius, for her work in the areas of biodiversity, traditional medicine and development of small and medium enterprises. In Indore and Maheshwar, I have also made an effort to connect traditional medicines with learning of Sanskrit text.

Today the concept of Blue Economy as part of the framework of Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) is emerging as a new narrative on productive and sustainable engagement with the vast development opportunities that oceanic resources offer.  Blue Economy has great potential for sustainable development, particularly from the point of view of the Sustainable Development Goals. The words of our Hon’ble Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi echo the national sentiment that “the Blue Chakra – or the wheel – in our National Flag, represents the potential of the Blue Economy”.

Another point that needs to be highlighted is that of Asia-Africa Growth Corridor that our Prime Minister alluded to while inaugurating the recent Annual meeting of the African Development Bank in Ahmedabad.  I am sure India and Mauritius can explore the possibilities of working together for achievements of the goals envisaged in the AAGC.

Under the able leadership of Shri Pravind Jugnauth and mentorship of Shri Anerood Jugnauth Mauritius will prosper with dynamism, modernity and witness all-round development.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Smt. Sumitra Mahajan, Speaker of  Lok Sabha at

the civic reception in honour of Shri  Pravind Jugnauth, Prime Minister of Mauritius,

hosted by India Foundation at New Delhi on 27th May, 2017.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Over the millenia, the Indian Ocean and the monsoons have not only shaped the destiny of India, but of all countries in the Indian Ocean Region (IOR). India is, and has always been, a maritime nation. It is home to some of the oldest seaports in the world and historically has had extensive maritime links with Africa, Gulf, _{Mediterranean}, South East Asia and the Far East. The waters of the Indian Ocean have not only carried commerce but have borne India’s culture, religion, and ideas far and wide. India’s location at the very centre of the Indian Ocean has linked us with other cultures, shaped our maritime trade routes, and influenced our strategic thought.

Today, the Indian Ocean is one of the busiest and most critical maritime transportation links in the world. Almost a hundred thousand ships a year pass through these waters, carrying about half of the world’s container shipments, one-third of the world’s bulk cargo traffic and two-thirds of the oil shipments. The fact that three quarters of this traffic is headed for destinations beyond the region underlines the fact that the Indian Ocean is of vital importance well beyond the shores of the littoral states.

The economies of many of the littoral countries depend heavily on the ports, the shipping, and most importantly, the vast natural resources that enrich these waters with an abundance of marine life. For India, of course, the Indian Ocean is of vital importance – we have an extensive coastline of 7,500 km and several hundred islands between Lakshadweep in the west and the Andaman and Nicobar islands in the east. Our southernmost tip is just 90 nautical miles from Indonesia. Our Exclusive Economic Zone is 2.4 million square kilometres and 90% of our trade by volume and almost all of our oil imports come through the sea. Clearly, it is but natural that India’s role as the key pivot in the Indian Ocean region is a given, not only geographically but by virtue of a shared historical and cultural heritage that binds us all across these waters.

Our vision for the Indian Ocean Region, therefore, is to preserve its organic unity while advancing cooperation. We will use our capabilities for the collective well being, and the mutual benefit of our maritime neighbours and island states in building their capabilities. As we envisage the Indian Ocean as an engine for growth and prosperity in our region and beyond, it is of utmost importance that these waters remain safe and secure. We consider it an imperative that
those who live in this region bear the primary responsibility for the peace, stability and prosperity of the Indian Ocean.

This vision was enunciated by Prime Minister Modi in March 2015 when he put forward the concept of SAGAR – “Security and Growth for All in the Region”. This is a clear, high-level articulation of India’s vision for the Indian Ocean. SAGAR has distinct but inter-related elements and underscore India’s engagement in the Indian Ocean. These are enhancing capacities to safeguard land and maritime territories & interests; deepening economic and security cooperation in the littoral; promoting collective action to deal with natural disasters and maritime threats like piracy, terrorism and emergent non-state actors; working towards sustainable regional develop-ment through enhanced collaboration; and, engaging with countries beyond our shores with the aim of building greater trust and promoting respect for maritime rules, norms and peaceful resolution of disputes. The principles enshrined in SAGAR provide us with a coherent framework to address some of the challenges relating to economic revival, connectivity, security, culture and identity, and India’s own evolving approach to these issues. The challenge before us is to ensure intra-ocean trade and investment, and the sustainable harnessing of the wealth of the seas, including food, medicines and clean energy.

A related aspect is the emergence of the ‘Blue Economy’ as a promising new pillar of prosperity in the region, with immense economic and employment potential. We are already engaging our neighbours in Blue Economy initiatives, particularly in the areas of marine bio-technology, exploration and sustainable exploitation of ocean mineral resources, sustainable fishing practices, and harnessing of ocean energy.

In India, we are implementing targeted programmes for re-energising economic activity in our islands and our coastal areas. There is also a renewed focus on strengthening marine research, developing eco-friendly marine industrial technologies, promoting sustainable fisheries and, ensuring the protection of the maritime environment. We remain committed to extending port connectivity among the littoral states of the Indian Ocean and beyond. This is the objective behind the Sagarmala initiative, which aims to establish new ports and modernise old ones.

It is only natural, therefore, that connectivity is one of the major themes of Prime Minister Modi’s ‘Neighbourhood First’ policy. We continue to work on a range of projects to improve maritime logistics in Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles. Our other initiatives include
the Kaladan transport project leading to Sittwe port in Myanmar; the Trilateral Highway to Thailand; and, the Chabahar port project in Iran.

But most of all, for the Indian Ocean economic revival to be sustainable, the waters must not only be better connected but they should remain free from non-traditional and traditional threats that could impede the seamless movement of goods, people and ideas. Security is fundamental to the ‘SAGAR’ vision. If the revitalized maritime economy of the Indian Ocean region is to be a force for global economic growth in the coming years, it is essential that the waters remain peaceful, stable and secure. It is imperative too, that all stake holders abide by a rules-based global order. The Indian Ocean is prone to non-traditional security threats like piracy, smuggling, maritime terrorism, illegal fishing, and trafficking of humans and narcotics. We realize that to effectively combat transnational security challenges across the Indian Ocean, including those posed by non-state actors, it is important to develop a security architecture that strengthens the culture of cooperation and collective action.

The success of maritime cooperative action against piracy in the Gulf of Aden is an example of the benefits of a cooperative approach which resulted in a dramatic decline in piracy incidents in the region. India is prepared to bear its share of responsibility in this regard. Our response to security challenges in the Indian Ocean will be based on our national capabilities, complemented by participation in relevant regional platforms.

India is a founding member of the Contact Group on Piracy and has actively participated in anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden and off the Horn of Africa; and, undertaken joint EEZ patrols off the waters of Maldives, Seychelles, and Mauritius.

An effective response mechanism to address humanitarian crises and natural disasters is perhaps the most visible element of the evolving Indian Ocean security strategy. In recent years, India has promptly responded to humanitarian crisis, whether man-made or natural, in its neighbourhood. Humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) form an important part of our outreach efforts.

Indian ships were involved in the safe evacuation of over 2,000 Indian expatriates and over 1,300 foreign nationals from Yemen in April 2015. We carried out rescue missions in Libya, Lebanon and Somalia. India has been the “first responder” to calls of assistance – providing relief supplies and medical assistance to flood ravaged peoples of Sri Lanka in June 2017 or to rescuing Bangladeshis swept off the coast due to cyclone Mora or to alleviating the acute drinking water crisis in Maldives in 2014 when we airlifted 1,000 tonnes of fresh water to Male. India also dispatched cyclone relief materials to Fiji in February 2016.

Indian Ocean Conference provides an opportunity to deepen our understanding of the economic and strategic importance of the Indian Ocean. An understanding of the myriad synergies that bring this region together and connect it to the world beyond is not just an academic exercise, but an imperative if we are to succeed in evolving a meaningful cooperative strategy for ensuring peace, progress and prosperity in this region.

This underlies India’s own approach to its maritime neighborhood – we see the Indian Ocean as not just a water body, but a global stage for continued economic, social, and cultural dialogue.

 *This article is a summary of the inaugural address delivered bySmt. Sushma Swaraj,
Minister of External Affairs, Government of India, on31st August, 2017 at
the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo, Sri Lanka organised by India Foundation.

 (This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India Ocean is destined to define the future of the world. Sri Lanka, located enviably in the
centre of the Indian Ocean is well poised to play a significant role in determining this future. Our shores are washed by the waters of this great ocean. It has shaped us as a distinct people. Our future development is intrinsically linked to it and we share responsibility in keeping its waters safe. We believe, as people of the Indian Ocean, “Peace, Progress and Prosperity” are goals that need to be pursued together. We will continue to take a leading role, in bringing our partners in the Indian Ocean together to deliberate on issues of importance to all of us.

We are meeting at a time when global and financial economic power shifts point towards Asia. The global economic power rebalance – away from the established advanced economies in North America, Europe and Japan, will continue well into the latter part of the century. Economic dominance, technology and military might, the basis of political power in the West has eroded to a significant extent by the extraordinary economic development of Asia in the last 50 years. The ‘HSBC World in Forecast 2050’ forecasts 19 countries from Asia to be the largest economies by 2050. By 2030 Asia is expected to surpass the West in terms of global power, based on population, GDP, technology and military spending. It is also estimated that, by that time, the unipolar world would be replaced by a multipolar one with USA, China, India, Germany, Japan and Russia positioned as key players.

These predictions are reassured by the recent Price Water House Coopers (PWC) Report: World in 2050. It concludes that 13 (Vietnam, Bangladesh, India, Philippines, Indonesia, Pakistan, Malaysia, Thailand, China, Saudi Arabia, Australia, Iran) out of 32 countries predicted to be leading economies of the world, will be from the Indian Ocean Region. This reality will increase our strategic importance in the globe.

In practical terms, some countries in Asia have already taken over the advanced Western countries in purchasing power parity. Despite projected slowdown, it is predicted that the Chinese economy will supersede the US economy by 2028. India has shown great potential to become the second largest economy in the world in terms of Purchasing Power Parity by 2050. Indonesia, Malaysia and Vietnam are also predicted to achieve remarkable rates in economic growth and to have great potential to take over some of the western countries in the Purchasing Power Parity by 2030. As a region, ASEAN is poised to cover thirty percent of the global GDP, once the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement among the ASEAN countries is concluded.

Despite these promising predictions, intra trade in the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal as well as East Asia remains historically low. South Asia remains the least economically integrated region in the world. Intra-regional trade accounts for only 5 percent of South Asia’s total trade, compared to 25 percent in ASEAN. Intra-regional investment is smaller than 1 percent of overall investment. There are several reasons for this setback. They stem from gaps in our policy infrastructure, mistrust and political tension among major countries, and mindset of certain communities. The Bay of Bengal will be in the strategic spotlight as one of the key transit zones between the Indian and Pacific regions and the pivotal points for maritime security across the Indo Pacific littorals. However, if we could overcome these challenges, the current trade volume of USD 28 billion could grow up to USD 100 billion only in South Asia. In future, the South East Asia economies put together, its minimum viable economic power and its trade volume will be bigger than that of North American Free Trade Agreement.

Regrettably, we are yet to workout multilateral agreements to promote trade in this region. In the circumstances, bilateral trade agreements between littoral countries will substitute Regional Intra Trade. The Government of Sri Lanka has decided to enter into bilateral agreements with the neighboring littoral states without waiting for regional arrangements to be finalized.

We have already entered into Free Trade Agreements with India and Pakistan. We are in the process of deepening our FTA with India to enable greater cooperation. We will finalize a FTA with Singapore and commence negotiations with other littoral states. We are also planning to engage with other countries in the Bay of Bengal Region through Free Trade Agreements so that we reap the benefits of economic potential of the Bay in the future. We will also expand the FTA with Pakistan.

Sri Lanka’s development as a shipping, air and business hub will contribute to the development of intra regional trade. I trust that the Economic growth in our region can only be accelerated by increasing intra regional trade and infrastructure development for connectivity. It should aim at creating a route to enter into global value chain by creating a regional value chain. This will provide the opportunity for countries such as Sri Lanka to indentify tradable factors in our national economy. Development of infrastructure and connectivity will not be sufficient for Sri Lanka to enhance its trade. We need our governments to commit fully to multilateral trading in order to enhance intra regional trade development. These include:

• Preventing protectionist trade measures
• Implementing ease of doing business measures
• Commitment to the WTO Trade Facilitation Agreement
• Removing high tariffs – para tariffs and non tariff barriers over agreed time period.

As Indian Ocean partners we can build a policy infrastructure to improve the regional intra trade. We invite one of the Indian Ocean littoral States to host the first meeting of interested littoral states on developing a “Policy framework to promote Intra Regional Trade within an agreed time period.”

Businesses in the Region must grow for intra-regional trade to develop. These Businesses require capital for expansion, which is a scarce commodity. The establishment of an Indian Ocean Development Fund will make such financing available. The Fund will make financial facilities available to National Development Banks which promote growth and expansion by providing capital. To this end, one of the options is to establish a Development Financing Institute for business expansion in the region.

China’s One Belt One Road Initiative (OBOR) is a tool for our development. China announced the concept back in 2013, and we see after four years it has gained significant economic momentum. OBOR connects Asia, Europe and Africa, and passes through more than 65 countries and regions with a population of about 4.4 billion and a third of the global economy. In Sri Lanka’s view this initiative serves as a platform for member countries of OBOR to contribute to the global value chain. The OBOR has added fresh impetus to China and the rest of the world to promote regional cooperation and presented numerous opportunities for foreign companies to be involved.

Japan’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy”, which is an evolution and development of the idea of the “Confluence of the Two Seas”, will also be a channel for creating a broad region. The “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy” foresees a broad region connecting two oceans – the Pacific and Indian Oceans, will include both Asia and Africa. It is designed to promote stability and prosperity of this region as a whole. Sri Lanka sees growing convergence of ideas in terms of maritime cooperation between the Indo-Pacific regions will also derive economic benefits to the Indian Ocean region.

The vital Sea Lanes of Communication in the Indian Ocean that fuels the global economy needs to be open for all and must be used for mutual benefit in a sustainable manner. It is essential to maintain peace and stability in the Indian Ocean Region which will ensure rights of all states to the freedom of navigation and over flight and unhindered lawful maritime commerce are conducted in keeping with current international laws and regulations. In terms of Maritime build up taking place in the Indian Ocean, we see major players such as India, Australia, USA, China, and Japan envisaging various projects ranging from ocean excavation to placing remote sensors for ocean research. The latter three having their forward naval presence, will play a greater role in maritime affairs. This will also lead to Naval power competitions, which will foresee sea control as well as denials on navigation.

There are 10 critical choke points in the Indian Ocean that remain vulnerable to air and maritime encounters and possible terrorist attacks by non-state actors. Given the rising conflicts in the Middle East and West Asia, world’s major powers have deployed substantial military forces in the Indian Ocean Region. This trend will continue to be same at least for some more decades until such time that the world community gets together and resolve causes for these conflicts.

These traditional and modern security concerns are yet to be addressed internationally. Articles 34 – 56 of UNCLOS are insufficient to deal with the concerns that are related to freedom of navigation in the Indian ocean. Therefore, Sri Lanka intends working with all its partners in creating a shared vision for economic and security engagement. A code of conduct that ensures the freedom of navigation in this Ocean will be an essential component of this vision. In this regard, Sri Lanka will soon commence exploratory discussions on convening a meeting to deliberate on a stable legal order on freedom of navigation and over flight in the Indian Ocean. Taking such a course of action will enable the littoral states to take the initiative to manage competition and determine our own fate.

Maintaining the freedom of navigation is of paramount importance for Sri Lanka to become the hub in the Indian Ocean. It is only then that this country will be able to reap the full benefits of strategic location as well as the availability of ports on all coasts and two international airports with good land connectivity. The air and sea connectivity will naturally promote logistics. Colombo will also be a center for offshore finance and business. Finally Sri Lanka will offer a platform as a manufacturing and service hub enjoying preferential access to the EU markets.

Sri Lanka decided to develop the ports, especially the Hambantota port which some claim to be a military base. Sri Lanka does not enter into military alliances with any country or make bases available to foreign countries in its ports or airports. It will continue military cooperation such as training, supply of equipment and taking part in joint exercises with friendly countries. Only the Sri Lanka Armed Forces have the responsibility for military activity in its ports and airports. We are also working with foreign private investors on the commercial development of our ports.

Sri Lanka is open to trade with all its partners. We aim to become as in the past, a destination of choice for all those looking to tap in to the potential of the Indian Ocean. I look forward to engaging with all interested littoral states in creating a “policy framework to promote intra regional trade within a time line” so that economic activity in the Indian Ocean region can be enhanced. We intend taking leading role in initiating a legal order in the Indian Ocean to ensure freedom of navigation. It is our belief that if we all work for these common objectives, sustainable peace and prosperity in our region can be undoubtedly achieved.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Shri Ranil Wickremesinghe,Prime Minister of Sri Lanka on 31st August, 2017 at the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo, Sri Lanka organised by India Foundation.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)