Two years back I was in New Delhi on my first State visit to India as Nepal’s Prime Minister. My country had then just accomplished the historic task of promulgating the Constitution through a democratic process of the elected Constituent Assembly. That was an important moment. We were leaving behind the long and costly period of political transition and uncertainties, anticipating a stable political course ahead. As the Prime Minister of the country, I had the huge responsibility to carry forth the tasks related to the implementation of the Constitution that was just born. The task was demanding; challenges colossal.
Thanks to the wisdom and perseverance of fellow Nepali leadership and the 28 million Nepali people as well as support and solidarity of friends from neighbourhood and around the world, we have achieved all major milestones in Constitution implementation in the past two years. And this time, I am visiting India as Nepal’s Prime Minister elected through the first ever polls held under the Constitution; as the leader of a country that looks to future with resounding optimism and abounding dreams.
The local, provincial and federal elections held in 2017 were historic in many ways. Following these, we were able to have elected representatives in all 753 local level bodies after a gap of nearly two decades. And provincial elections are entirely new. A major political transformation envisaged in the Constitution was the restructuring of the State into federal set up. For the first time in our history, we now have seven provincial assemblies and provincial governments. ‘Government at doorstep’ is our Constitutional spirit, which has now been structurally realised.
The elections were hugely participative and results were inclusive. Voters’ turnout was over 70 percent in average. Through the elections, we have been able to ensure over 41 percent of women representation in elected bodies. This is not a small achievement by any standard. And, our intention is to bridge the remaining 9 percent gap. With this political process completed, we now have embarked on the path of political stability. All provincial governments command support of two third majority in their respective assemblies and my government at the centre has robust mandate and overwhelming support.
I have deemed this as a mandate to work for the long-cherished socio-economic transformation of the country. Ours is a dream of a prosperous Nepal where people will have decent living and youth will have decent jobs; where our infrastructure will be better and our vast, untapped resources will be converted into economic benefits and wealth. It’s a dream of overcoming the vicious circle of poverty, underdevelopment and social backwardness.
We are mindful, however, that we alone cannot undertake this journey to prosperity. We will continue to count on support, solidarity and goodwill from friends all over the world, particularly our neighbours. I say neighbours as they, by virtue of geographic proximity and long historic associations, are the ones who understand us well and are cognizant of our development needs. I say neighbours as, fortunately for us, they have been able to register marvellous achievements when it comes to development and hence, they are our inspirations, our lessons and key source of support.
Nepal and India are connected by geography as well as history, by our religions as well as culture. Our relations are blessed by the wisdom of saints and sages. Our bonds are strengthened by both physical connectivity and people-to-people interactions in almost all spheres. Our relations began even before the history began to be recorded; they began in the dawn of human civilisation in this part of the world. Today, in this 21st century, our age-old relations have expanded to a more extensive, and multidimensional connection.
It is a neighbourhood reality that we often witness intermittent glitches in our relations. It is a fact that we have witnessed difficult times in our relations. We have gone through the cycles of ups and downs; highs and lows in our relations. I am sharing this frankly because open discussions help improve the thrust and course of relationship. We, leaders on both sides, are capable to review and introspect where things went wrong and how we could do better in future. And the history implores us to take our relations to newer vistas of opportunities, to newer heights of mutual benefits. In this mission, it is natural that we have certain expectations from India as a large neighbour and a country with rising global stature in many ways.
Relations between neighbours differ from that of others. Neighbourhood realities are distinct in many respects and accordingly dictate the terms of overall engagements. Good neighbourliness demands harmonious co-existence forever. And, trust is the key cementing factor. It derives its strength from the observance of such fundamental principles as equality, justice, mutual respect and benefit as well as non-interference.
As friendly neighbours, our two countries need to be aware of, and have respect for, each other’s concerns and sensitivities. Nepal has not allowed its land to be used against the sovereign interests of India. We are firm in our resolve to maintain this position. And it is natural that we expect similar assurance from India.
We are in the changed context both at home and abroad. Our domestic political realties dictate the values and course of our action both internally and externally. We have defined our goals, priorities, strategies and actions for nation-building. Likewise, we want to inject fresh perspectives into our relations with external world. Our foreign policy priority begins at our borders. Talking about India, our foreign policy objective is to strengthen the foundation of relations, but not to weaken it; objective is to expand and consolidate relations, but not to limit the scope or unravel it; and objective is to bring our relations to the next level, but not to slide back. Our objective is clear. Our intention is pure. Our determination is strong. And our efforts will be robust.
Stability and predictability in relationship is very important for us. Because we are two countries of different size, populations, and level of economic development. And our ambition is different, so is our strength. India is aspiring to be a global power, both politically and economically. Nepal’s ambition is to be a prosperous place.
We cherish India’s progress and prosperity. Its accomplishments in many spheres are notable. The wonderful journey of India as a major economic powerhouse is an inspiration for many people around the world and more so in our neighbourhood.
For Nepal, India remains the largest trading partner. However, the problem of bilateral trade deficit looms large. Our economy cannot sustain alarmingly high trade imbalance with India. Its continuance will pose a serious threat to our economy. We are not a competitor of India. We need a breathing space. I am sure many of you would agree when I say that helping Nepal to be economically strong serves India’s vital interest.
Therefore, we need to focus our attention to diversify our trade basket and scale up the volume of exports from Nepal to India. The provisions of the 1996 Trade Treaty were highly supportive for Nepal’s trade. The Treaty’s initial period was an encouraging period in our trade relationship. Measures such as removal of quantitative restrictions, tariff quota reduction and downward revision of value addition criteria, simplification and streamlining of procedures and easy access to quarantine and testing facilities could ease the difficult situation. To increase the flow of goods and augment trade, we need to invest in infrastructures and streamline the procedures as well.
India has extended generous assistance to finance development endeavours of Nepal. It has helped to diversify our economy, build up the infrastructure, and enhance our industrial base. However, there is much to do to scale up our economic cooperation and timely delivery of agreed projects. To further intensify the economic cooperation, we must create the stories of success; we must translate our pledges into performance. Nepal’s hydropower development is an important sector for bilateral partnership. It will benefit the people and industries of both of our countries. We need to generate a success story by sincerely implementing the projects agreed in the past such as Pancheshwor in its true spirit.
Nepal is a desired destination for Indian tourists. Attracted by the natural heritage as well as religious sites, Indian tourists can further contribute to Nepal’s economy. To enhance the flow of people, for enterprise as well as tourism – we need to further expand air connectivity and road and rail linkages. Cross-border connectivity is very important to unleash development potentials and to spur growth.
The importance of connectivity cannot be overemphasised for a landlocked country like ours. India has been providing overland transit facilities to Nepal for international trade. When I talk about connectivity I recall what Prime Minister Modiji eloquently highlighted the idea of HIT (Highways, Information ways and Transmission ways) while addressing the Legislature-Parliament of Nepal during his first visit to Nepal in August 2014. We need to realise this vision.
As connectivity is important for all of us, we underline the need for developing regional and sub-regional connectivity arrangements. We need to ensure that bilateral as well as regional connectivity and transit arrangements run smoothly without any interruption at all times. Recourse to obstacles in the movement of goods, services and people should not have any place in today’s interconnected world and in interconnected neighbourhood.
We are living in an interesting time in terms of the shifting power equation in the world and the transformed geopolitical orientation. Asia’s centrality in today’s world stage has been affirmed by the fascinating combination of economics, demography and its value system. Having possessed a third of the Earth’s landmass and almost two third of the world population, mostly young and energetic, Asia’s renaissance has become irresistible and irreversible.
I call it renaissance because Asia’s gain of supremacy is not a first time phenomenon. What we see today is rather the return of Asia to the glorious world podium of 200 years back. It’s a return to the time when Asia homed the world’s oldest and most affluent civilisations. Return to the time when it produced the world’s best artists and architect; best physics and metaphysics; most sophisticated education system and most enlightening writings on governance and statecraft.
When majority of the world was reeling in the darkness of superstition, this region, centuries back, produced Vedanta, the world’s most elaborate treatise of knowledge and wisdom as well as a most advanced philosophical system, and Buddhism, the most revered guiding principles on peace and nonviolence; and the notion of global fraternity and happiness. Ancient Asia gave the world the advanced idea of town planning and sophisticated architecture. It also offered the idea of industry and techniques of trade.
Past 200 years were rather an aberration in Asia’s prominence. Reasons may vary, but the reality is that in the past 200 years, poverty and backwardness became most of Asia’s identity. Today, Asia is already on the long march to success and prosperity. This journey may not be smooth and uninterrupted, but it is on. Natural to its size, Asia is the most diverse region in the world. People are diverse and so are cultures; geography is diverse and so is the level of development. Amidst this, how do we ensure that Asia gradually evolves into a closer, connected and a better-integrated society?
How do we ensure that those lagging behind in development are offered a helping hand and a level playing field to keep up with the required pace? How do we ensure that we all, big and small, grow together as fellow Asian nations? How do we ensure that we sort out our differences or at least not allow such differences to undermine the larger good that we need to pursue together? These turn out to be critical questions as we embark on the noble journey towards realisation of the Asian century.
As important as the tangible indicators of development are, we need to make sure that the core Asian values of universal fraternity, peaceful co-existence, respect for diversity and sense of equality guide our ways as these are the values that stand as fortress to ensure world’s peace and security and sustainability of its development.
Asian values have the potential not only to bring us, the Asians, closer but also contribute to the world’s better future. These were born out of our collective, civilisational conviction on harmony, discipline and primacy of the larger public good and interest over petty individual self-centredness. Asian values emphasise more on sharing, caring and co-existing than on individual race making. Collective thinking and serving humanity is the Asian way.
Asian values underscore, as the fundamental prerequisite to development, the need to build solid and well-functioning state institutions. While other actors are important components of modern day governance, state institutions must command due reverence and any ill-motivated attempt to undermine them must be discouraged. Our collective journey towards realisation of the Asian century can only be possible through due promotion and institutionalisation of the Asian values. Asia invented panchsheel that have not only become the core principles of the UN Charter but also provided the nations around the world the modus vivendi for living together peacefully despite differences and working together to serve mutual interest. Nepal’s adherence to panchsheel is unwavering.
Nepal’s engagement with the rest of the world, as stipulated in its Constitution, remains shaped by the principles of Panchasheel, non-alignment, UN Charter, international law, and norms of world peace. Nepal was among the few countries that remained independent throughout its history. In this very fact of history is rooted the abounding sense of national pride of today’s 28 million Nepalis. We, therefore, hold dearer than anything else the principles of sovereignty, independence and non-interference. We pursue an independent foreign policy and our conduct of external relations is based on a balanced outlook.
No one compromises on nationalism. For us, nationalism is the protection of our sovereignty, territorial integrity, national independence, and fulfilment of our national interest. We are a proud people of a country that always remained independent throughout its history. Our sense of nationalism does not harbour ill will against anyone. Our people have always demonstrated great degree of resilience in times of difficulties and their confidence was never shaken. Amity with all and enmity with none is our motto in foreign policy. We seek to foster relations with neighbours and all friendly countries around the world based on justice, sovereign equality, mutual respect and benefit.
When it comes to Nepal-India relations, the enablers for cordial friendship and rewarding relations partnership are already there. We must build on those enablers to boost our relations. We must seize the opportunities to make our relations fruitful to the lives of our peoples. As close neighbours, we share a common destiny which demands collective pursuit of prosperity.
I have come to India this time with a mission to explore ways and means to enhance our relations to newer heights, commensurate with the realities of the 21st century. We want to erect a strong edifice of trust so that our relations always remain harmonious. We want to create a model relationship which makes not only us but our posterity equally proud of our accomplishment. A relationship that is cherished forever. Everybody has a role to contribute towards realising this goal.
With this spirit in mind we have tasked the Eminent Persons Group on Nepal-India Relations (EPG-NIR) to come forward with concrete recommendations on making Nepal-India relations truly beneficial for both of our countries and peoples. Our intention is genuine and larger Indian intelligentsia have a duty to spread the message of the need for a positive transformation in our relationship. I hope this gathering could serve this useful purpose.
During the visit, I had frank, open and comprehensive talks with Prime Minister Modiji. Our conversation was focused on the same direction. You are already aware of the important agreements we reached on railway and inland waterways connectivity as well as cooperation in agriculture. I firmly believe, and hope you all would agree, a peaceful, stable, prosperous and democratic Nepal is in the interest of India as well as that of our larger neighbourhood. Let me, therefore, conclude by reiterating my determination for closer and mutually rewarding relations between our two countries in this 21st century.
(This article is a summary of the address delivered by Shri K.P. Sharma Oli,
Hon’ble Prime Minister of Nepal at the civic reception in his honour organised by
India Foundation in association with Nehru Memorial Museum and Library at
New Delhi on 7th April, 2018.
(This article is carried in the print edition of May-June 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

The Nehru Memorial Museum and Library is a place which enshrines the historic relics of the life and work of Jawaharlal Nehru – a great Indian leader whose entire life was devoted to India’s freedom and independence, and to peace and friendship among nations. To President Ho Chi Minh and the people of Vietnam he was a great and close friend. Vietnam and India have strong interest in deepening the relations between them and to join hearts and hands for peace, stability, cooperation, and development in the Indian Ocean and the Asia-Pacific.
During the first two decades of the 21st century, the world has witnessed many rapid, profound, and comprehensive changes. One of the most dramatic and inspirational of them all is the rise of Asia. Just a hundred years ago, the vast majority of the continent, India and Vietnam included, lay engulfed in the long darkness of colonialism, wars, and backwardness. Few could have imagined that one century from those dark days, Asia would rise to become a geo-political, geo-economic, and cultural center of the world. Almost every global forecast today agrees on one thing: this century shall be the Asian Century. Within only a few decades the world has witnessed the miracles of India, China, Japan, the Republic of Korea, and the ASEAN countries. It is a fascinating coincidence that all of these miracles have converged around the Indian Ocean and the Asia-Pacific. Along with globalization and regionalisation, the trends of linkage and integration, and the impacts of the revolution in science and technology, our region in recent years has yielded a cornucopia of long-term ideas, initiatives, and strategies for cooperation that are both inter-regional and global in scope.
The Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement between ASEAN and its six partners; India’s “Act East” Policy; China’s “Belt and Road Initiative”; Japan’s “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy”; the United States’ “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Vision”; and, most recently, the establishment of the Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership, joined by eleven economies on both sides of the Pacific – all these undertakings are raising the status and attractiveness of our region to a new level never seen before in history. Should all of the afore mentioned come to fruition as per the statements of their founders, we will see the creation of a new space of security and development, comprising the Indian Ocean, Asia and the Pacific, hereafter called the Indo-Asia-Pacific. The ever-closer economic, political, and cultural ties between the Asia-Pacific and the Indian Ocean will create a new driver for growth and help transform the Asian Century into the Indo-Asia-Pacific Century. Consequently, India and Vietnam shall both be part of a vast community accounting for 60% of the Earth’s land area, 50% of world population, and a greater share of global GDP, trade, investment, and capacity for innovation. ASEAN and India shall become an integration hub with an essential role in the region’s future development.
The achievements of the past decades in the Indo-Asia-Pacific provide a solid foundation to further strengthen and foster friendship and cooperation between countries both within and outside of the region, thus enabling us to make greater contributions to mankind. However, our region is also facing notable intertwined challenges. In addition to being the convergence point of many initiatives for integration and cooperation, the Indo-Asia-Pacific is also a core theatre in the competition for power and influence among major powers.
Furthermore, issues include regional hot-spots; armed conflicts; land, sea, and island sovereignty disputes; contested natural resources; international terrorism and transnational crime; and environmental pollution and climate change among others, all are evolving at an ever-greater scope, frequency, and level, with more serious characteristics. There remains a stark contrast between cooperation and competition, between moderation and extremism, between openness and isolation, between liberalism and protectionism, between development and stagnation, between independence and dependence, between unity and division. The desire for peace, stability, cooperation, and development in the Indo-Asia-Pacific has yet to be truly realized.
Shall this century become the Indo-Asia-Pacific Century? Shall this region truly become a hub connecting resources and harmonizing interests for continuous, more dynamic, and more sustainable development? This aspiration will only come true when all countries share a common vision for an open and rules-based region, and a common interest in the maintenance of peace, stability, and inclusive prosperity, wherein no country, no nation, and no group shall be left behind.
This aspiration will only come true when all countries join together in the effort to protect the freedom of navigation and unimpeded trade and not let the Indo-Asia-Pacific be balkanized into spheres of influence manipulated by power politics, hindered by protectionism, or divided by narrow nationalism. This aspiration will only come true when countries stand side by side to build a common space for co-existence and development in the belief that the Indo-Asia-Pacific is vast enough for every country to flourish and prosper. This aspiration will only come true when all countries make the effort to establish effective mechanisms to maintain peace, stability, and the rule of law, so as to ensure the common security, prevent conflict and war, and effectively address security challenges both traditional and non-traditional.
The Indian national hero Mahatma Gandhi once urged “You must be the change you wish to see in the world”. This could not be truer: the realization of this aspiration depends to a large extent on the capacity and the will of all countries in the region – India, Vietnam, and ASEAN included – to join hands in cooperation. Geographically, India and ASEAN lie at the heart of the Indo-Asia-Pacific. Historically, over the last twenty centuries the people of India and Southeast Asia have come together bound by the values of peace, humanism, and fraternity. Today, India is marked by rapid and sustainable development that makes an ever-greater contribution to peace, stability, and prosperity in the region. ASEAN is characterised by being resilient, united, cohesive, well-integrated, and open in its cooperation, playing an expanding role in the region. These work together as paramount components of peace, cooperation, and development in the region as a whole. Herein lies our common interests and shared vision, one in line with the path to development and the constantly-growing status and stature of both India and ASEAN in the international arena. For these reasons, ASEAN has strong faith and great expectations in the vigorous growth of India, a power that is deeply aware of her responsibilities and duties towards the international community.
India shall become a new pole of development, an important engine for peace, prosperity, and integration both in the Indo-Asia-Pacific and the world at large. We wish to express our gratitude for, and most highly appreciate, The Honorable Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s statement at the ASEAN—India Summit in November last year: that India’s “Act East” policy “is shaped around ASEAN, and its centrality in the regional security architecture of the Indo-Pacific region”. With this policy, India has been making efforts to forge substantive links, engage in deeper economic and political integration, and foster people-to-people ties with the ASEAN countries. It is obvious that only through ever-closer connectivity in infrastructure, trade and investment, culture, education and training, and science and technology, and many other fields can India and ASEAN amplify their strength, building together upon their roles and status so as to build a common development space for peace, stability, cooperation, and development, one that can more effectively respond to external shocks and challenges. The 25 years of ASEAN-India relations stand as a testimony to this. Over the next 25 years, given new opportunities and challenges, strengthening ASEAN-India ties must be both an objective necessity and a strategic choice for our two sides.
Vietnam-India diplomatic relations are about to celebrate their semi-centennial, yet the close ties between our two lands and people have existed for thousands of years. Such links stem not only from shared interests but also from the profound and enduring cultural values that we share. As early as the 1st century CE, the venerable monk Mahajivaka introduced Buddhism from India to Vietnam. The religion spread rapidly, for its cultural and spiritual values resonated well with Vietnam’s native beliefs. The ideas of equality, fraternity, anatta / anatman (non-self), and altruism that Buddhism represents have since taken root in the consciousness of the Vietnamese people and become in themselves inseparable parts of Vietnamese culture.
Since the 2nd century, Hinduism has also been present in Vietnam, its mark well-preserved in the Cham cultural relics in central Vietnam, the timeless epic of Ramayana, the character of Sita gifted with beauty and intellect, and the discipline of Yoga that is becoming ever-more popular in everyday Vietnamese life. Today the works of the renowned cultural personality, poet, and philosopher Rabindranath Tagore – the first Asian Nobel Laureate in Literature — still enchant the hearts of millions of Vietnamese with verses that hold within them profound philosophies about the universe, humanity, happiness, and love. During the early 20th century the paths of our two countries’ leaders converged in the struggle against colonialism for our two peoples’ independence and freedom. Rightly after the liberation of Ha-noi, Prime Minister Nehru at the cordial invitation of President Ho Chi Minh became the first foreign head of state to pay a visit to Vietnam on 17 October 1954. The image of our Indian brothers taking to the streets in support of the righteous resistance against American imperialism of the Vietnamese people, the slogan “Amar Nam, Tomar Nam, Vietnam, Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh, Dien Bien Phu” on their lips, shall forever be etched in the consciousness of the Vietnamese people.
Vietnam expresses its deepest gratitude for the pure and sincere love, unfazed by hardship and unshaken by storm as it is, that the people of India have given to the people of Vietnam over the years. Today, in a rapidly changing world we are proud to witness the traditional, faithful friendship between our two countries and people not just remaining true but even flourishing. Prime Minister Narendra Modi has stressed that, Vietnam is a top priority in the effort to strengthen India’s relations with the Asia-Pacific. As seen from Vietnam’s foreign policy, India has always been one of the most important partners. Exactly sixty years ago during his visit to India, our beloved President Ho Chi Minh asserted that “India is an independent and mighty nation that has made many invaluable contributions to peace in Asia and the world”. This observation remains relevant today. We are glad to note that in recent years India’s rise has been closely linked with the prosperity and affluence of Asia as a whole.
India’s peaceful development has always worked as an important and constructive factor to regional peace and stability. With her vast potential and great contributions, India surely deserves a greater role in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region and the world. For this reason, Vietnam welcomes India continuing to play her important role in the region. We consistently support your active participation in regional linkages and cooperation mechanisms, including APEC, as well as India’s becoming a Permanent Member of the United Nations Security Council. Today, Vietnam and India have established a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership, setting forth their similar interests and values as well as our understanding and position regarding regional and global issues. They are working towards implementing the 2017-2020 Action Plan, already recording significant results. Political, defense, and security cooperation has all been expanded and become strategic pillars in our bilateral relations. Economic and trade cooperation is growing dramatically as well. Development cooperation and joint efforts in education, training, culture, tourism, and people-to-people exchanges are deepening, creating an enduring social foundation for our bilateral ties. 2017 was the “Friendship Year” celebrating the 45th anniversary of Vietnam – India cooperation. Their relations have entered a new period of development, and this requires renewed efforts and determination from both sides in order to realize always-greater achievements and live up to the expectations of the two people. The goal of their Comprehensive Strategic Partnership is nothing other than a strong and prosperous Vietnam that develops sustainably; a powerful India with growing prestige and status in the international arena; and their joint contribution towards the maintenance of peace, stability, cooperation, and development in the region and the world.
Some of my thoughts on the future direction of Vietnam – India relations. First, we need to strengthen economic and trade connectivity as a pillar and driver of the Vietnam – India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership. Accordingly, we need to overcome the mentality of protectionism, promote trade/investment liberalisation, and upgrade infrastructure, maritime and aviation connectivity in both the bilateral context and the framework of sub-regional and regional plans. Vietnam supports and will coordinate accordingly so that India will become an important element in the ASEAN Connectivity Master Plan, finalizing the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement in 2018. We should promote maritime connectivity as a key area, not just in bilateral relations but also in the context of peace, stability and development in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region. Vietnam – India need to engage in regular information exchanges, experience-sharing, and capacity-building in handling maritime security matters. We should work together to develop a “blue-sea economy” through maritime connectivity, port cooperation, and environmental protection and the sustainable use of maritime resources. We should also make efforts to foster the maritime order and settle disputes peacefully on the basis of international law, including the 1982 United Nations’ Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS). Furthermore, Vietnam and India should strengthen connectivity in realizing the SDGs in both countries, closely linking the United Nations’ 2030 Action Agenda to regional cooperation frameworks including the Mekong-Ganga mechanism.
Vietnam hopes to effectively and substantively work with India in such areas as green agriculture, green technology, clean and renewable energy, capacity enhancement in information technology, disaster prevention and relief, and climate change response. We should continue to work closely together in building a new and open regional architecture that is inclusive and shares the values and interests of peace. We should effectively implement all elements of the Vietnam—India Comprehensive Strategic Partnership and the ASEAN—India Strategic Partnership with a new vision. Good strategic partnership at all levels will yield benefits not only for Vietnam and India but also for peace and development in the region. In addition, Vietnam and India need to work together more closely in multilateral forums, in particular in UN and ASEAN mechanisms. We should more actively take part in building and shaping of cooperation frameworks and norms, making substantive contributions to the common efforts of the international community to ensure peace, cooperation and development, thus bringing about a brighter future for the Indo-Asia-Pacific.
From the history spanning thousands of years of our two peoples’ enduring cultural ties, from the heartfelt friendship between us, from our shared vision for the future – and given the strong effort and determination of our two countries’ leaders and peoples – there is every reason to believe in an ever-flourishing Comprehensive Strategic Partnership between Vietnam and India. This indeed will become a pillar of regional integration and development, playing a key role in the 21st-century miracles of the Indo-Asia-Pacific and making significant contributions to peace, stability, cooperation and development in the region and the world. May the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library continue to flourish, thus disseminating the values of humanism, fraternity, and peace that so characterize India to the region and to the world.
(This article is a summary of the Special Address made by Mr. Tran Dai Quang,
Hon’ble President of the Socialist Republic of Vietnam at a programme organised by
India Foundation in partnership with Nehru Memorial Museum & Library (NMML) and
Embassy of Vietnam on 4th March, 2018 at NMML, New Delhi.)
(This article is carried in the print edition of May-June 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Author: Alyssa Ayres
Publisher: OUP USA, 2018, pp 360
Price: Rs.1,850/-
Book Review by:
Aaditya Tiwari

Richard N Hass, an American diplomat and President of the Council of Foreign Relations in his conversation with Alyssa Ayres, author of the book ‘Our Time Has Come: How India is Making Its Place in the World’ refers to the phrase ‘Indo-Pacific’ and says, ‘…Indians like that’. To this Alyssa explains, ‘it is a very welcome phrase…a welcome phrase in Japan, Australia and India…that gives India a stake of being part in this larger region which it doesn’t have while talking of Asia-Pacific…India is core central geographic fact of the Indo-pacific’. ‘Our Time Has Come’, is a book on India’s rise in the past twenty-five years that the author Alyssa Ayres has witnessed as a Harvard junior, via her work at the Asia Society, at the U.S. Embassy in India, and as Deputy Assistant Secretary for South Asia at the State department during U.S. President Obama’s administration.

The book is a practitioner-scholar’s account with deep insights for an American reader. It lists India’s achievements in this period and the distance it has marched ahead of the socialist regime and that of license raj. Alyssa speaks of an India that seeks to be a ‘leading power’ rather than a ‘balancing power’, the present government no longer talks of ‘strategic autonomy’, and ‘non-alignment’ is a thing of the past, with Prime Minister Modi even skipping the NAM summit. India, today is more demanding of its due in the world and less hesitant in asserting its interests. She has covered this trajectory in eight chapters, grouped under three parts, namely – ‘Looking Back’; ‘Transition’ and, ‘Looking Ahead’.

Alyssa looks at the rise of India from economic point of view and sees a very positive story there, with India being among the top ten economies and slated to be among top five this year. But looking from the lens of global governance, India is still not a prominent part of many institutions central to the global order. Also, domestic aspects like caste, communal clashes, rigid bureaucracy and inadequate infrastructure are pulling India behind. At the same time she credits Prime Minister Modi for giving a new impetus to the way in which India engages with the world. She points out that he is the first Indian leader to declare his support for reforms explicitly and unreservedly. On India-US relations, Alyssa thinks they are on an upswing. She points out that while there are a lot of commonalities, there are many areas of disagreement too. And the India-US relationship will more likely be a ‘joint-venture’ rather than an alliance as there are obligations inherent with an alliance. For example, India is very unlikely to become a part of a US led approach to restrict China. She has certain recommendations to improve the India-US relationship – backing Indian membership in multilateral bodies like the UN Security Council, APEC etc that set the global economic and security agenda; having stronger bilateral economic ties; supporting institutions of democracy; and pursuing stronger regional security cooperation with India.

In her interview to Richard Hass, she says, ‘India hedges its own bets as global governance reforms lag on in 20th century institutions and India has put some of its eggs in the new organizations/baskets that India has partnered in….’. While India wants it rightful place in the comity of nations, ‘it is not to supplant others, but rather…be one among many in a world order explicitly seen as multi-polar.’ Alyssa Ayres counsels United States to be better prepared to deal with India that would possibly be the ‘the workforce of the world’ in coming future. ‘Our Time Has Come’ is a delightful read and in the words of Ambassador Shyam Saran, ‘For a balanced and carefully researched analysis of India’s prospects, as seen from Washington, this is a book which will rank pretty high in the years to come.’

(Reviewer is a Senior Research Fellow at India Foundation.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of May-June 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

MILAN 2018 was held at Port Blair from 06 March to 13 March 2018. MILAN 2018 was hosted in the beautiful Andaman & Nicobar Islands of India which is home to India’s unified Military Command, the Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC). With the underlying theme of ‘Friendship across the Seas’, MILAN2018 witnessed a diverse mix of professional exercises and seminars, social events and sporting fixtures. MILAN has evolved from an initiative of the Indian Navy in the early nineties which aimed to create a forum for the littoral Navies of the Indian Ocean region to exchange thoughts in maritime cooperation and ‘Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief’ (HADR). MILAN is an effective platform for social, cultural and professional interactions and promoting maritime cooperation as well as inter-operability during humanitarian missions.

The interactions during MILAN 2018 encompassed sharing of views and ideas on maritime order and enhancing regional cooperation for combating unlawful activities at sea. MILAN is a congregation of littoral navies which is being conducted biennially by Indian Navy at the Andaman and Nicobar Islands, under the aegis of the Andaman and Nicobar Command. Besides fosteringco-operation through naval exercises and professional interactions, MILAN also provides an excellent opportunity to the participating navies to come together in a spirit of collaboration and mutual understanding to nurture stronger ties.

MILAN made modest beginnings more than two decades ago when it was first held in 1995. The first MILAN was held in 1995 with five participating nations; India, Indonesia, Singapore, Sri Lanka and Thailand. Since then the event has been held every two years except in 2001, 2005 and 2016.

The 10th edition of Milan this year was concluded with Milan Exercise Sea (MILES), conducted from 11 to 13 March 2018, which saw participation of 28 warships including 17 from India and 11 from Australia, Bangladesh, Indonesia, Malaysia, Myanmar, Singapore, Sri Lanka and Thailand participating in the exercise and thus making it the largest multilateral exercise to be conducted in the Andaman Sea. Maldives, which is reeling under political crisis, had declined India’s offer to participate at the exercise citing the current situation in the island nation. The aim of MILAN 2018 exercise was to enhance interoperability between navies of the region and to exchange best practices. Weapon firing, Search and Rescue operations, Air Defence exercises, Cross-deck flying, Boarding Operations and  Medical Evacuation drills were conducted during the exercise. The foreign ships participating in the exercise include, HMAS Larrakia of Australia, BNS Dhaleshwari of Bangladesh, KRI Cut NyakDien and Lemadang of Indonesia, KD Lekiu of Malaysia, UMS Inlay and King Sin Phyu Shin of Myanmar, RSSD auntless of Singapore,S LNS Samudura and Suranimala of Sri Lanka and HTMS Narathiwat of Thailand. The Indian ships participating in the exercise include INS Sahyadri, Jyoti, Kirch, Kulish, Saryu, Kesari, Baratang and Bangaram and INLCUL51.

The successive editions of MILAN have witnessed the participation of littoral navies of the Indo-Pacific region. The MILAN event has achieved strident succession recent years owing to high standards of professional content of the event. The growing participation over the years bears testimony to the success of this multilateral initiative in the maritime domain of Indo-Pacific region. From an event of sub- regional context earlier, MILAN has now grown into a prestigious international event and encompasses participation by maritime forces from not just the Bay of Bengal and South East Asia but the larger Indian Ocean Region (lOR).

Geostrategic significance of Indian Ocean and role of MILAN in fostering the relations among navies of Indian Ocean Region:

MILAN exercise also highlights the Geo-strategic significance of the Indian Ocean Region. In the Geo-political context of this naval exercise , we also need to look into the India’s approach and strategy towards the Indian Ocean Region. India is essentially a maritime nation and the Indian Ocean has been at the vortex of intense maritime activity over centuries. The last two decades has witnessed substantial expansion in India’s dependence on her maritime environment. The Indian Ocean Region, which is an area of primary interest for the Indian Navy, has also emerged as the world’s center of gravity in the maritime domain. The MILAN exercise truly sums up the evolving dynamics in the Indian Ocean Region and encapsulates India’s maritime approach.

A unique factor which differentiates the Indian Ocean from the other two major oceans–the Pacific and the Atlantic–is that almost 80% of the oil and trade that emanates in the Indian Ocean Region is extra-regional in nature. It implies that any impediment to the free movement of oil or trade through the Indian Ocean Region, will have an impact not just on the economies of the region, but the rest of the global economy as well. It is in the Indian Ocean Region where interests of the rim countries, as well as major Geo-political entities like US and Chinaetc intersect. The Indian Ocean has therefore become a cross-road of geopolitical dynamics in context of rising economies of China and India and their increasing dependence on the maritime trade along with other countries in the region. These characteristics of the Indian Ocean Region underscore its maritime nature, and point to the need for maintaining stable, secure and safe seas and MILAN naval exercise has certainly helped in building the capacity and interoperability among various nations in the region.

Under the broad framework of MILAN naval exercise, Indian Navy has initiated a series of capacity building and capability enhancement initiatives to establish an environment of peace and stability in the Indian Ocean Region. Such initiatives have certainly strengthened the capacity of the partner navies in order to provide maritime security in its own area of operation, and thus has helped in improving net security in the regional maritime environment as well as strengthening bilateral relations and maritime interoperability. The capability enhancement initiatives of the Indian Navy under MILAN exercise include measures for cooperative development through training, technical support and maintenance and hydrographic cooperation.

Through MILAN, India has aimed to shape a favorable and positive regional maritime environment in the Indian Ocean region with similar, like-minded endeavors of other regional partners. Through MILAN, India has given a clear signal that in order to strengthen the global maritime partnerships and networking amongst the navies of the new order in the 21st century, there is an urgent need to address common maritime threats and challenges. It is a fact that stability in a well-networked and interdependent maritime domain is the shared responsibility of coastal states. MILAN can be helpful in achieving such objectives through synergized, inclusive and cooperative efforts facilitated by maritime engagements.

In future also through MILAN naval exercise, India should try to continue to operate in cooperation with friendly maritime forces in the Indian Ocean Region to address shared security concerns, and look towards promoting peace, security and stability in the maritime neighborhood, through open, transparent, inclusive, balanced and cooperative measures. This forms the basis and the core of India’s strategy and approach to the Indian Ocean Region.