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Singapore is the Southern-most tip of continental Asia, one and a half degrees north of equator. And if you try to connect the Indian Ocean to the Pacific Ocean, chances are you will pass by Singapore. So the Indian Ocean is an area of major interest to us.

Singapore had the privilege of hosting the inaugural Indian Ocean Conference in 2016, which was well-received, with participants from 22 countries attending. The theme of the inaugural Indian Ocean Conference (IOC) was “Comity, Culture and Commerce”. The theme of IOC-2017 is “Peace, Progress and Prosperity.”

Peace

It is remarkable that the Indian Ocean, which has been a stage for the exchange of knowledge, culture and religion across the enormous diversity of all our states, for the past 4,000 years, has been marked by peace. If you think about the Pacific or Atlantic Oceans, even the Mediterranean Sea, what makes the Indian Ocean outstanding over the past 4,000 years is the remarkable presence of peace in almost its entire history. And perhaps we should ask ourselves, why is it that the Indian Ocean was an area of peace for so many years? Why is it that we could have merchants from many independent states coming from a very wide diversity of ethnic and cultural backgrounds being able to transact, travel, exchange and trade peacefully?

If you think about it, the first wave of globalisation was conducted in this part of the world. The early civilisations in ancient Egypt, Sumer and Indus Valley arguably owe much of their prosperity to the trade in the Indian Ocean.  Over time, we saw increasingly complex trade routes linking the East African coast to the Arabian Peninsula, South Asia, Southeast Asia and South China. In the 13th and 14th century, this thriving trade was witnessed by chroniclers such as Marco Polo and Ibn Battuta.

Arab merchants facilitated the widespread and peaceful adoption of an authentic and tolerant form of Islam in Southeast Asia.  In fact, Islam in Southeast Asia was achieved through trade and persuasion but never through the sword.  The point here is that continued prosperity in the Indian Ocean is contingent on the Indian Ocean remaining peaceful. Therefore, the converse is that if the stability in the Indian Ocean comes under threat, so does our prosperity.  For a small trading nation like Singapore where trade is three and a half times our GDP, this is an existential issue.

Progress

We all know that trade in the Indian Ocean helped to vastly improve the quality of life of all those who participated in it.  While the fabled overland Silk Route was far more famous, when you think about it, far more people benefitted from the maritime trade in the Indian Ocean.

With seaborne trade, you could trade in bulk goods including cotton cloth, foodstuffs, timber, which could not be loaded onto camels or mules.  So for instance, we see wood, or timber, being shipped from Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, where timber is scarce but needed for the construction of buildings.  Sri Lanka provided high quality peppers and spices that were valued the world over.

This was a form of democratisation of trade.  For the first time, the mass market consumer benefitted from global trade, and it was not just a question of luxury goods such as silks for the elites which were more commonly transported via the overland Silk Road.

Even today, sea transport is still the most cost-effective way to transport goods.  The United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) estimates that roughly 80 per cent of global trade by volume and 70 per cent by value is transported by sea – and we know that a huge proportion of that flows through the Indian Ocean. And this is also why the 1982 United Nations Conventions on the Law of the Sea, or UNCLOS for short, is of such crucial importance for those of us bordering the Indian Ocean.

The opening up of trade and economies helped to raise the standard of living for all of us.  And because this was a democratised form of trade of commodities, it benefited everyone. It provided a catalyst for the exchange of ideas and technologies, development of infrastructure, and increased prosperity for all of us.

Prosperity

We are now in a new age of uncertainty. You can think of the changing relativities amongst superpowers, or the changing trade patterns. But there is one other factor, and that is what some people have called the Industrial Revolution 4.0.

There is a sense in many countries that middle class wages are stagnating.  There is anxiety about job losses because jobs may become obsolete.  The problem is you see it in the political arena.  You see a rising tide of protectionism and anti-immigration sentiment worldwide – and this happens in all our societies and the tone of political debate reflects this.

Unfortunately, free and open trade has very often been blamed for this anxiety.  But the reality is that we are living through a technological revolution.

There has been near simultaneous advances in pervasive computing, mobile and broadband communications, Artificial Intelligence, robotics, 3D printing, and additive manufacturing and Augmented Reality, in addition to further revolutions in nanotechnology and genomics. All this has completely transformed the way value is created and the way the fruits of these values are distributed. That is why there is this angst and anxiety in our societies.

We need to make the right diagnosis. We need that to come up with the right solution.  In Singapore we believe in making sure that our people are equipped with the right skills, with the tools and knowledge that they need. And therefore it is in a sense a new way of focussing and transforming our education and our training systems. This is the only way to close the gap between a skills mismatch and a jobs mismatch.  If we can do so effectively across the Indian Ocean, then we will be able to ride on the historical advantages of the Indian Ocean as an ocean of peace and as a medium which has transmitted ideas, which has facilitated trade, and which has uplifted all our societies.

Inclusive and sustainable growth is not a zero-sum game.  No nation today can succeed in the age of disruption by erecting walls or barriers, protectionism, or insulation. Instead, we need to go back to the ancient philosophy of the Indian Ocean which is to embrace our interdependence as well as an open and inclusive regional architecture, and eschew attempts at domination. Instead we should focus on interdependence, win-win collaboration and the exchange of ideas, tools and technologies in a fair and just way. So if we can achieve globalisation in this difficult environment, it will give us a chance to leapfrog many other parts of the world. I hope, with some reasonable optimism, that we will be the most vibrant and dynamic economic space in the world in decades to come.

The region has a demographic dividend that has not yet been fully harvested. If you look at the Indian Ocean compared to the Pacific or even the Atlantic, we have a significantly younger population hungry for knowledge, able to utilise the latest digital tools and they deserve our support. All of us must commit to creating this future for them when there will be a new golden age for a new middle class equipped with the necessary knowledge, skills, tools and relationships.

*This article is a summary of the address delivered by Dr. Vivian Balakrishnan,

Minister of Foreign Affairs, Singapore on 31st August, 2017 at the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at

Colombo, Sri Lanka organized by India Foundation.

 (This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

The 21st Century is an era led by the Indo-Pacific region. Last year, Prime Minister Abe introduced the “Free and Open Indo-Pacific Strategy.” Japan believes that a key to stability and prosperity of the international community is dynamism which will be generated by combining the “Two Continents,” Asia and Africa, and the “Two Oceans,” the Indian and Pacific Oceans. Toward this goal, the governments and peoples of all countries in the region must continue to make efforts.

Upholding Order Based on Universal Values

First, in order to bring prosperity to the Indo-Pacific Ocean, we must stand for values shared in Asia, such as freedom, democracy and the rule of law. We must stand firm against attempts to challenge those values and spirit.

The North Korea issue is the utmost priority which requires firm actions of the international community. Since January last year, North Korea has conducted two nuclear tests and launched nearly 40 ballistic missiles. North Korea has been continuing provocative actions, including the intolerable launch of a ballistic missile which flew over the Japanese territory.These actions by North Korea are totally unacceptable as they constitute unprecedented serious and grave threats against the security of the international community. Moreover, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction from North Korea is a serious factor of instability for our region.

The international community must put maximum pressure on North Korea to force it to take concrete action, towards realizing the verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. Japan continues to strongly demand North Korea to refrain from provocative actions, including nuclear tests and ballistic missile launches, and to comply with the Security Council resolutions. Another challenge is the growing threats to the rule of law in the Indo-Pacific region. Whether at sea or on land, we observe unilateral attempts to change the status quo by force without respecting dialogue and international law. On the South China Sea issue, in particular, it is essential to pursue peaceful settlement of disputes based on international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, and demilitarization of disputed features.

To realize free and open Indo-Pacific region based on the rule of law, it is important for all countries in this region to have serious concerns and raise voice against all activities that violate the rule of law.

Enhancing Regional Connectivity

The second important point is enhancing the regional connectivity in a free, open and transparent manner. In order to fully unleash the potential of this region, it is vitally important to connect Japan, Southeast and Southwest Asia by land and ocean. It is to lay a foundation for further smooth flows of people and goods. Japan’s cooperation is not just building roads, railways and ports with its high technology. We also support improvement of cross-border customs procedures and development of areas around economic corridors including Special Economic Zones. In this way, we realize “vibrant and effective connectivity” whereby infrastructure is better utilized.

In particular, Sri Lanka, situated in a strategic point in the Indian Ocean, has huge potential. Japan is ready to cooperate for further development of the Port of Colombo through partnership between the government and private companies that have world-class logistics networks. If progress is made in the construction of the light metro system and the improvement of the environment for private-sector investment, Colombo will become more attractive as a commercial center.

Through Public-Private Partnership, Japan will extend its utmost support to help Sri Lanka become a hub of the Indian Ocean which is truly export-competitive. In order to realize regional connectivity, we need sustainable development based on free and open rules. Development which is inconsistent with the principles of fairness and transparency and lacks economic efficiency or sound finances brings no benefit to the local community. Development based on unfair or non-transparent procedures and fiscally unsound development will leave an enormous burden for future generations and bring no benefits to local communities. It is the people of Sri Lanka who best understand this. Actions that prevent the development and prosperity of Asia must never be accepted.

Capacity Building Assistance

Third, for this purpose, Japan will provide capacity building assistance to the countries in this region. Capacity building to improve the maritime law enforcement capability is particularly important. Japan spares no effort to support coastal states in Asia. To resolve the root causes of piracy, armed robbery at sea, illegal, unreported and unregulated fishing (IUU fishing), maritime crimes and terrorism, Japan will provide seamless support for the countries’ efforts to protect seas. Japan will do it through a combination of various measures, including ODA, defense equipment cooperation, and capacity building assistance.

Japan will work to enhance maritime capability of Sri Lanka by providing two patrol ships through ODA, as well as implementing joint training of maritime law enforcement agencies together with India. With the cooperation of all countries concerned, “Free and Open Indio-Pacific Ocean” will surely be realized.

We, as citizens of the Indo-Pacific region, possess the potential of becoming a role model of the world. The key to unleashing the potential is freedom, democracy and the rule of law. Japan will work together with the international community to champion these important values.

* This article is a summary of the address delivered by Mr. Iwao Horii,

Parliamentary Vice-Minister for Foreign Affairs, Government of Japan on 31st August, 2017, at

the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo, Sri Lanka organized by India Foundation.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

A long-standing facet of U.S. foreign policy is that the United States is – and will continue to be – an Indo-Pacific power. For more than seven decades, we have embraced the responsibilities this distinction requires across this vast expanse, from the shores of East Africa to the western coast of the Americas. This will not change in the decades to come.

America’s connection to this dynamic region is not new; more than two centuries ago, ships from New England sailed along trade routes in the Indian Ocean carrying spices, tea, and even ice between Boston and Kolkata. Fast forwarding to today, USA’s partnerships and shared strategic interests in this region remain as compelling as ever. I want to share USA’s vision for the Indian Ocean, as well as the precepts guiding U.S. engagement and diplomacy.

First, we must have a common vision for the Indian Ocean that enhances economic growth, transparent development, and regional integration. Regional initiatives that prioritize accountability, open markets, and delivery of tangible benefits to citizens of the region will be the most sustainable.

Second, countries must be able to effectively counter security threats in the Indian Ocean as well as respond to humanitarian and environmental disasters. Through joint capacity building and exercises, we can share the security burden in this increasingly complex region.

Finally, we must support a principled regional architecture that unites us to support international standards, including freedom of navigation and the peaceful resolution of disputes. All nations have the right to freely fly, sail, and operate wherever international law allows.

Let’s start with the economic imperatives. The Indian Ocean is at the fulcrum of global trade and commerce, with nearly half of the world’s 90,000 commercial vessels and two thirds of global oil trade traveling through its sea lanes. The region boasts some of the fastest-growing economies on Earth, and is home to a quarter of the world’s population, 500 million of whom still lack access to reliable power. Bolstering economic integration will lead to sustainable and inclusive growth. For example, if South and Southeast Asia reduced non-tariff barriers by 50 percent — an ambitious but attainable goal — increased intra-region trade would net $568 billion in increased GDP by 2030.

Already, American companies operate across the region, supplying everything from bottled drinks to airplane parts. In India alone, over 600 American companies have contributed to a 500 percent increase in FDI over the past two years. The United States plans to deliver over $600 million dollars of investment into Nepal’s transportation and energy sectors, yet another sign that its commercial ties to the Indian Ocean are growing deeper by the day.

USA is partnering with South Asian countries to develop legal and regulatory regimes that encourage transparent FDI, build resilient energy infrastructure, and connect budding entrepreneurs with the resources they need to develop their ideas. As President Trump and Prime Minister Modi underscored during their June summit, both India and the United States are committed to bolstering regional economic connectivity through transparent infrastructure development and responsible debt financing practices.

The U.S. is building partnerships through the Safe Ocean Network to combat illegal, unreported, and unregulated fishing, an issue threatening maritime economies around the world. This initiative encourages coordinated action to detect violations, enforce laws, and prosecute those engaged in illegal activities. More than 40 partners from around the world have joined the Safe
Ocean Network, and we welcome every nation here to join.

In South Asia, USA’s regional partners are doing their part. India is forging stronger trade and infrastructure ties with its neighbors through its Act East policy. In one example, Bangladesh, India, and Nepal are implementing a Motor Vehicle Agreement to allow free movement of goods and people across their borders. USA also commends progress in BIMSTEC and hope agreements on electricity grid connectivity and transport can be finalized before the next BIMSTEC Summit.

While the region offers unprecedented opportunity, it is also confronting a myriad of security challenges, including terrorism, transnational crime, trafficking-in-persons, and illicit drugs. To combat these challenges, the United States has sought to improve intelligence-sharing among regional partners and improve capacity-building in areas like community policing, counter-narcotics, aviation security, and forensics analysis. There is also a critical need to expand engagement on maritime domain awareness. In the increasingly crowded maritime environment, the sharing of reliable information is the foundation for greater cooperation.

US is also expanding its navy-to-navy relationship with Sri Lanka. With Bangladesh, US values its continued engagement through regular exercises like the Southeast Asia Cooperation and Training series. US hopes that one day in the not too distant future, all the navies of this region can jointly participate in exercises and coordinate maritime activities to build collective capacity and uphold international standards.

In order to realize our shared goal of an Indian Ocean region that is open, principled, and resilient, we will need a robust regional framework for bilateral and multilateral cooperation — one in which all states have a say and are invested in decision-making and outcomes. Regional partners must adhere to a common vision that:

• Respects international law as reflected in the Law of the Sea Convention;
• Supports an economic, political, and social linkages between South and East Asia;
• Develops the region’s humanitarian and disaster relief capacity through maritime exercises involving all Indian Ocean partners; and
• Encourages Indian Ocean economies to embrace visa liberalization, competitive markets, and accessible medical and educational facilities.

Last Month, President Trump proclaimed that the United States is “committed to pursuing our shared objectives for peace and security in South Asia and the broader Indo-Pacific region.”

This vision builds upon the Indian Ocean principles the President and Prime Minister Modi announced in June. US desire for a common vision signifies its enduring commitment to this region and our shared goals of promoting peace, security, freedom of navigation, and a sustainable and open architecture across the Indian Ocean. US invites every nation in the region to join in this common endeavor. And, through our collective leadership, we can be a model for the rest of the world.

*This article is a summary of  the address delivered by Ms. Alice G. Wells,
Acting Assistant Secretary of State for South and Central Asian Affairs, USA on 1st September, 2017 at the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo, Sri Lanka organised by India Foundation.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

A nnumber of noteworthy developments pertaining to the Indian Ocean region have taken place over the last one year. My remarks are broadly aimed at analyzing those contextual happenings, while also explaining India’s evolving thinking on this important subject.

Some months ago, at an interaction on this subject in this very city, the significance in geo-politics of oceans in general and the Indian Ocean in particular was raised. It was brought out that we do not think of oceanic spaces as we do of continents and instead regard them more as a neutral, characterless vacuum to be filled by those most active. The granular complexity that a large landmass would present does not automatically extend to equally substantial maritime space. Some of that is understandable because it does not have the same population density. But somewhere in our thinking is the assumption, probably reinforced by the colonial period, to regard the seas as passages to transit and not an arena of activity by itself. The point I wish to underline is that perhaps the time has come for us to devote more energies and attention to a greater understanding of maritime activities and cultures and not regard them simply as an adjunct to the littoral.

Now, even as oceans go, the Indian Ocean is one that has been particularly disadvantaged in recent history. The irony actually is that it has long had an essential unity that is based on the monsoons. In fact, if anything, it is relatively unique in that regard. No other part of the maritime world has its fundamental economic activities so directly derived from cycles of nature. This unity was expressed over the ages primarily through maritime trade rhythms, that then carried over into migration, traditions, practices and faith. As a result, this ocean evolved its own special identity that is based on mobility, acceptance and inter-penetration. This historical inheritance is visible across its expanse, whether it is Hindu temples in Bali and My Son, in fact all the way upto Zhengzhou in Arab communities in Aceh and Eastern Sri Lanka or the Waqwaq settlers in Madagascar. Indeed, there are few more striking examples of global trends being expressed through the region as local presence. Remnants of influence after so many centuries only give us a partial sense of the intensity and vibrancy of what must have been one of the most active economic highways across this enormous geography. That they still tell their tale testifies to the fact that the overall ethos of the Indian Ocean was one of co-existence and adjustment, where respect for diversity was intrinsic to the promotion of trade. If we are to revive a sharper sense of its own identity, it is important to appreciate and foster this multi-chromatic picture of the Indian Ocean.

If pluralism and syncretism are deep historical traits in the recent past, they have been strengthened by liberalism as well. When we stop and think about it, the Indian Ocean is the most populous English speaking lake in the world, larger than the Atlantic. The colonial era did much damage to this ocean community. But it did leave some good behind in institutions, practices and values that today are naturally supportive of international norms and rule of law. My point, therefore, is that a combination of history – both ancient and more recent – provide the foundation today to build a more contemporary region with its own personality.

The reasons why we do not readily appreciate this unity of the Indian Ocean are complex and worthy of a debate by themselves. In part, it was the effect of the lateral fragmentation of the region by external powers. Colonial powers certainly created artificial firewalls through their administrative jurisdictions that diluted centuries of natural movements and contacts. Their dominance also saw an accentuation in the divisions between the ocean and its littoral societies with a shrinking of local maritime practices and capabilities. As these inherent traditions of sea-faring diminished due to the pressures of European presence, we were left with a less active visualization of this vast global commons. Decolonization and emergence of modern nation states again put such a strong emphasis on territoriality that it further reduced the salience of regional and trans-regional cooperation and flows. The Indian Ocean was thus seen as less intrinsically coherent than, say, the Atlantic or the Pacific. Even its constituents like the Bay of Bengal or the Arabian Sea are not deemed to have a culture like the Mediterranean, the Caribbean or the North Sea. The questions which arise – and are no doubt subjects for this Conference – are whether we should revive the ethos of the Indian Ocean region, whether we can, and if so, how do we do it?

The case for investing more effort into the revival of the identity and community of the Indian Ocean is now gathering greater support. It could be said that our collective presence at Colombo is itself an affirmation of those objectives. There are a number of reasons that explain this trend. To begin with, the littoral countries have generally developed strongly in the last few decades, with higher economic growth, better social indices, greater political influence and more confident postures. Together, they have lifted the overall region to greater prominence in world affairs. It is their aggregate national development, when combined with the progress of East Asia, that has led to the resurgence of Asia in global politics. The practical consequences of this growth have been a very marked increase – both from the demand and supply side – of goods and commodities through the Indian Ocean. As a result, the Ocean may well be on track to reclaim its historical reputation as the world’s primary economic highway.

Now, it is rare for opportunities and benefits to come without challenges or responsibilities and the Indian Ocean is no exception. We have already seen greater threats of piracy at its extremities. There are other factors that could also impede the regular flow of commerce. The Ocean and its littorals are particularly vulnerable to the threats of radicalization and terrorism. They are also feeling the consequences of climate change while being susceptible to pandemics. It is evident that responses must come from the neighbourhood itself. Both natural and man-made disaster and humanitarian situations can and will occur in a part of the world where fault lines of various kinds run deep. From the perspective of Indian experience, we have seen that recently in the civil war in Yemen, in the earthquake in Nepal, water crisis in Maldives and landslides in Sri Lanka. Today, we cannot realistically expect that distant societies that are increasingly engrossed in themselves would react to emergency situations far away. This is an era of dispersed power arrangements that call for self-help and burden sharing. The Indian Ocean, like many other regions, must find more solutions within.

Reconstituting a community identity in the Indian Ocean will be a painstaking endeavour. In its structured format, it would require oceanic forums like the Indian Ocean Rim Association to acquire greater content and higher profile. But that perhaps is an overly formal way of approaching what is a complex challenge. At the end of the day, getting a large number of countries with distinctive histories and diverse cultures to collect around a shared ocean space requires institutional and informal, regional and global, economic, cultural and civil society solutions. Building blocks do exist, once we start thinking of them in that manner. From the security perspective, the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium offers a broad-based platform for exchange of views. We have initiatives like ReCAAP and SOMS in South East Asia and CGPCS (Contact Group on piracy off the coast of Somalia) and anti-piracy patrols in the Gulf of Aden at the western extremity of this ocean. In addition, there are national, bilateral and plurilateral cooperative endeavours in play in the fields of maritime domain awareness, coastal surveillance and white shipping that contribute to larger oceanic security and safety. In this uncertain world, if there is a point of agreement, it is that the salience of alliances is decreasing. It is equally apparent that old fashioned military rivalries are giving way to more subtle and complicated competitions for influence. The future is to get nations whose interests are aligned or even overlap to work together on global and regional challenges in a non-formal but effective way. That would mean somewhat different agendas and conversations, with a more open mind and an appreciation for what each player can bring to the table. This trend is visible already in naval exercises, strategic consultations or infrastructure projects. Stability and order cannot be built only on the strength of capabilities. It must be tempered by the discipline of law, in this case respect for UNCLOS which was recognized by IORA as the constitution for the oceans. Freedom of navigation and over flight must be a given.

At the same time, let us not forget that this region boasts of established regional organizations, foremost among them being the ASEAN. The GCC in the Gulf, SADC in Africa or the BIMSTEC in Bay of Bengal can each make their contribution felt towards a larger cause. In fact, it could even be contemplated that larger global organizations like the Commonwealth could collaborate to strengthen capacities in the Indian Ocean region. Another promising avenue of exploration are initiatives like the Asia-Africa Growth Corridor (AAGC) whose vision document was unveiled at the recent meeting of the African Development Bank, or the International North-South Transport Corridor that promises to reduce transit time and costs to Europe. Connecting these many dots and lines to create a greater sense of coherence is a growing necessity.

Clearly, much depends on how the possibilities of connectivity unfold in Asia. There are today various approaches and initiatives that offer choices to the nations of this region. Many would understandably like to make the best of all these opportunities. But the experiences of the last decade underline the importance of making mature and considered decisions in this regard. There is a growing understanding that following universally recognized international norms, good governance, rule of law, transparency, openness and equality are essential for better outcomes. Even more critical is observing principles of financial responsibility, ensuring transfer of technology and promoting a sense of local ownership. The ethos of the Indian Ocean is a consultative one and in the long run, it is the people-centric initiatives and projects that are likely to be more sustainable. While we tend to think of connectivity in physical terms, let us not forget that it has its softer aspects that are actually no less important. People-to-people contacts, religious travel and exchanges, heritage conservation and cultural promotion are all enabling factors that can contribute to a greater sense of bonding among societies. It is, therefore, essential that we approach the connectivity challenge with a holistic perspective – community centered not transactional – that has a purpose of common good as its primary driving force.

India’s particular contribution to the prospects of the Indian Ocean region was spelt out in detail by the External Affairs Minister yesterday. I would categorize them into four broad themes: (a) hinterland linkages and strengthening regionalism (b) maritime contributions and support (c) linking South Asia to South East Asia through an Act East policy and to the Gulf through a Think West approach, and (d) assume larger responsibilities as a net security provider with an integrated approach, reflected in the SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision. Each of these aspects is by now sufficiently advanced to be appreciated by those who have an interest in this region’s future. I would particularly emphasise that India is today devoting greater resources and energy and assigning greater priority to building connectivity, contacts and cooperation at the heart of its Neighbourhood First policy. This is evident in progress in areas like power generation and transmission, rail and road transport, port and waterways transport and in educational and health exchanges with virtually all its neighbours. In parallel, we have endeavoured to ensure the safety and security of maritime traffic through the ocean by strengthening skills and logistics of our southern neighbours like Sri Lanka, Maldives, Mauritius and Seychelles. In this context, let me also emphasise that states with necessary capabilities have an obligation to ensure that smaller states are made more secure through EEZ surveillance and that their full rights are established through hydrographic cooperation. We will be guided by the development and security priorities of our partners and our approach will focus on the big picture, rather than be driven by narrower reciprocal considerations.

No analysis of the Indian Ocean would be complete without capturing the development at its extremities, be they the eastern coast of Africa or the Pacific islands. The holding of Pacific Islands Summits and the enhancement of our engagements and development projects is as important a development as our shared goal of climate justice. The story of India’s development assistance to Africa has similarly not got the attention it deserves, partly because it does not play to the gallery. On the contrary, its focus on people-centric economic and social activities has given it a lower profile though broader support. In the last few years alone, projects financed and built by India span a wide range of sectors across this vast geography. They include water projects from Tanzania to Sierra Leone, hydel and thermal power plants in Congo and Zambia to Sudan, rural electricity networks in Mozambique and Gambia, sugar factories in Malawi and Ethiopia and IT projects and vocational training centres across the continent. We are today closely engaged with the East African countries on the Indian Ocean periphery with whom we have longer historical contact and closer proximity.

A few words about the IORA. In 2011, we had proposed at the 11th Council of Ministers Meeting at Bengaluru that cooperation focus on maritime safety and security, trade and investment facilitation, fisheries management, disaster risk management, academics and S&T, and tourism and cultural exchange. Our focus currently is to ensure that initiatives announced at the 2016 Bali COM meeting are expeditiously implemented. Five of them – the Blue Economy dialogue, the Indian Ocean seminar, the International Relations conference, the SME workshop and the initiative to set up a centre for medicinal plants – have progressed. Plans are underway to deliver on commitments on water, science and technology, water security and sustainability, women’s entrepreneurship, innovation exposition, maritime safety and security, media exchanges and renewable energy.

The Indian Ocean is about people, culture and commerce. Appreciating its complex texture and intricate nuances is essential to nurture its growth and resurgence. It must be approached with empathy, not as a business. It must be treated as a partner, not as an arena. The goal must be inter-dependence, not dominance. An authoritative account of this region noted that while the monsoons may no longer dictate when ships can travel, yet its rhythms still pervade the lives of billions of people. The Indian Ocean is renewing its status as a zone of encounters and a cross-roads of culture. The time is approaching for it to come back into its own.

*This article is a summary of the address delivered by Dr. S. Jaishankar, Foreign Secretary, Government of India, on  1st September, 2017 at the 2nd Indian Ocean Conference at Colombo,
Sri Lanka organised by India Foundation.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India completed 70 years of its independence. The progress that India has made in various sectors is an exemplary story of our times. India’s achievements in the fields of science, technology, and social innovation have been a particular inspiration.

India has also proved that it is democracy that binds diverse societies together while promoting tolerance and individual dignity. By showing one can achieve these high ideals even at low national incomes; democracy has been India’s gift to developing world.

We hope for a strong, stable, peaceful, democratic and prosperous Nepal. We know this is also in the interest of our neighbours. On our part, Nepal has made it clear that under no circumstances would it allow its soil to be used against its neighbours. Beyond solidarity India is also one of Nepal’s most important partners in development. It has been a reliable friend and neighbour in need and hardship.

We are grateful for India’s generous support towards socio-economic change, and humanitarian assistance in Nepal going back decades. We also share several regional and global platforms. It is our firm conviction that international cooperation is not a choice but a compulsion. Nepal aspires to grow together with SAARC and BIMSTECcountries.

Our main priority is better connectivity of infrastructure, technology, energy, markets, ideas and high culture. We also seek meaningful cooperation in trade, investment, tourism and finance.

Transnational challenges such as terrorism, climate change, natural disasters and food security pose a new genre of challenges. Nepal condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations. We call for concerted efforts to combat this menace wherever it is seen. In addition to natural hazards like the earthquakes of 2015, Nepal is also bearing the brunt of climate change despite negligible contribution to greenhouse gas emissions.

We recall with pride the active participation of great Nepali leaders like B.P. Koirala in India’s freedom movement. They responded to the call of Gandhiji, boycotted government schools and joined the Quit India Movement in 1942. B.P. Koirala taught us, “Democracy is indivisible, if you want democracy at home, you cannot afford to neglect all struggles for it.” He believed that when the British rule ends in India, it would be Nepal’s turn for democracy. He was prophetic. In seven decades of struggle, democracy has seen ups and downs in Nepal. We are grateful to the people and the Government of India for their goodwill and moral support for all democratic movements in Nepal since the 1950s.

After the historic people’s movement in 2006, Nepal today is in midst of a profound transfor-mation. The constitution we promulgated in 2015 was written in the most democratic and inclusive manner. It accommodates aspirations of diverse ethnic groups. It guarantees every woman right to lineage and right to property without discrimina-tion. All full and fair gender balance is ensured in all high offices of state.

Still, we consider our constitution to be a living and dynamic document that is open to revisions as and when required. Just three days ago, we voted on an important amendment to address the concerns raised by people from Tarai-Madhesh. Though the amendment did not muster the two-thirds majority of votes required, the process brought to the forefront the wider acceptance and importance of the issue raised. It showed the commitment of parties like the Nepali Congress to redress grievances of its citizens.

As all of us know, politics is process. For our democracy to mature, we have realized that it is necessary to overcome the legacy of the past. We will take everybody along on the journey towards greater prosperity, inclusion and dignity. Democracies must deliver to stay relevant in a world that is deeply inter-connected. Today’s citizens demand better governance to advance their rising aspirations.

Our foreign policy is dictated by the interest of the Nepali people and the principles of Panchsheel. The five principles of peaceful co-existence that are derived from the teachings of Siddhartha Gautam – the enlightened son of Nepal. Nepal’s foreign policy priority begins with its neighbouring countries. We consider trust as a pre-requisite to an enduring relationship. Nepal-India relations are unique and unparalleled in character. People of the two countries share special bonds and affinity. From Janakpur to Ayodhya, Lumbini to Bodhgaya, or Pashupatinath to Vishwanath, we share a common set of values, culture and civilization.

The advent of democracy has further honed people-to-people contacts and deepened mutual trust across a wide spectrum. But my emphasis is on the fact that the more policy challenges become complex, the greater the salience of democracy to garner consensus and mediate likely conflicts.

The world watches Asia with great interest today. While this region is the world’s brightest spot in the 21st century, there are also major challenges staring at us. We need to work together to make the most of existing opportunities. A shared vision of prosperity based on the foundation of peace, stability and democracy, we hope, will uplift us all.

And we believe that Nepal and India – as one of the closest neighbours in the world – have a vital bearing on this march towards greater freedoms and progress. No country, however big and powerful, can deal with these transnational challenges alone. This demands stronger partnership and deeper collaboration among us all.

In November 2016, I had the honour of delivering the 12th Nehru Memorial Lecture at Jawaharlal Nehru University. There, I argued that a vision of economic prosperity and political freedoms must go hand in hand in the 21st century. I had raised a few development challenges that we must all confront together.

The first is about our young demography, and the challenge of finding decent, well- paying jobs on a mass scale at a time when the world is witnessing the fourth industrial revolution.

The second is about harnessing renewable resources, such as hydro-power, and mitigating climate change. How do we manage our common natural resources?

The third is probably the biggest generational challenge of our times. It is about ending absolute poverty by 2030, narrowing inequality within and across countries, and reducing vulnerabilities.

The fourth issue is to grapple with both the challenges and opportunities that come with intense urbanization. How do we build sustainable cities and prosperous villages?

And the fifth development challenge of our times will be to adapt to new patterns of production, trade and employment that are being disrupted by technological breakthroughs. How do we manage dislocation of established patterns of livelihood? I am only flagging these issues.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Shri Sher Bahadur Deuba, Prime Minister of

Nepal at the Civic Reception hosted in his honour by India Foundation at New Delhi on 24th August, 2017.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India and Mauritius have nurtured a very special relationship for decades – a relationship that keeps growing from strength to strength.

Mauritius as you may know has come a long way as a small island nation. We have diversified our economy significantly from a sugar based mono-crop economy since independence on the 12th of March 1968 to a modern service economy only two decades later. Today, as we stand at the dawn of the 50th anniversary of our independence we also stand proud of our achievements.The helping hand of India has been significant in achieving this progress. We could not have reached to where we are now without the help of friendly nations and India has always been by our side.

Since Independence, our country has had to weather many storms and even black swan events. But we have against all the odds raised the standard of living of our people through free education to one and all. All along we have seen our relationship with India grow and evolve – from one which was centered on cultural cooperation in the early days of independence to one that became more and more focused on economic cooperation in the eighties and late nineties.

And now with Prime Minister Modi I can say that the relationship between our two nations is extending to areas like technology, innovation, digitalisation and also to coming together to reach out to Africa. In fact, Indo-Mauritian relations have never been so deep and so strong. India, as has been the case all the time, still strikes a very emotional chord in the hearts of Mauritians.

On the other hand, we are very happy to see that India is now one of the most prominent players on the world economic and political front. The world around us keeps changing very fast. Just a few years ago we were talking about globalisation and free trade and all the good that it meant to the whole world. Many countries like Mauritius were condemned to adapt. We have changed our development paradigm to become more open to trade, to investment and to foreign expertise when under pressure to join the free trade we totally liberalised our trade and economy. In fact, Mauritius is almost a duty-free island now. And we are among the most liberalised economies in the world. When Reaganomics and Thatcherism swept the world, we deregulated extensively. Today, we fear that the world may go back to the policies of the sixties and seventies where protectionism was the order of the day.

One cannot help but think that it was the protectionist policies of the then developed countries, in particular their hostile attitude to manufacturing products from developing countries – that had stifled the industrialisation efforts of countries in Africa, Latin America, and also Asia.  And this includes countries like India, Brazil and Mauritius amongst many others.

Today we must seriously ask ourselves whether these days will be back. And if they are back – how will the world order unfold in the next few years? Looking at the world today, retrospectively to the start of the great recession, with the benefit of hindsight, we can seriously put into question the ability of traditional fiscal and monetary policies to take economies out of recessions and put them on a recovery path.

Is the fear of deflation behind us? There are so many questions that need to be answered so that we can as policy makers make the right choices and implement the right policies.  But there are also so many events at the geopolitical level, the rise of terrorism and even normal political events that are resulting in surprises that development considerations are fast moving to backstage.

Mauritius is nevertheless doing its very best to adapt.  We are a small nation – what we would call a price taker and not a price setter. I have decided that the next lap of our development will have to be innovation driven. We are fast losing our competitiveness against the low wage export platforms and our global competitiveness will therefore be determined by our ability to innovate.

We also realise that we are experiencing a demographic shift in our country that will constrain our development. The fertility rate is falling and our population is ageing fast. This means that our population will start decreasing in the coming decades. With an already exiguous domestic market we are condemned to be an export dependent nation, unlike countries like India that can also leverage its domestic market to fuel growth.

That is why we are pursuing policies to broaden our economic space through a New Africa Strategy and the Ocean Economy. The new Africa Strategy opens a market of some 1 billion people and with good prospects for growth in the future. This is an endeavour that we know we will not be able to do alone. We are expecting the collaboration of India and Indian investors for mutual benefits.

And as regards the Ocean Economy, it opens up some 2.3 million square kilometers of maritime economic space. In fact, Mauritius has one of the largest exclusive economic zones in the world. This offers immense opportunity for long term and even very long-term development. In fact, our ocean economy, including our seafood hub, fisheries, port activities and tourism already contributes around 10 percent to our GDP.

We are also investing massively in infrastructure because we believe that such investments will bring in hefty dividends in the medium and long-term. Thanks to support from India we will have a sophisticated light railway system to modernise our public transport system. And we are also investing to transform our port into a maritime hub for the region, expanding our airport capacity, and extending our road networks.

There will thus be vast opportunities for further strengthening ties between our two governments, our entrepreneurs and investors and indeed our nation. The rapid conclusion of CECPA negotiations is of high priority to our two nations.

I hope that India will continue its march to greatness and to continue in its endeavour to shape a better world for all of us. Mauritius has made its choice under my Prime-ministership – India is our strategic partner. Thank you India.

*This article is a summary of the speech delivered by Shri Pravind Kumar Jugnauth,
Prime Minister of Mauritius at the civic réception hosted in his honour by
India Foundation at New Delhi on 27th May, 2017.

(This article is carried in the print edition of November-December 2017 issue of India Foundation Journal.)