~ By Sriharsha Masabathula

As Myanmar undergoes political and economic transition, India is keen on rediscovering its traditional role in the international community. As the international community moves to offer various synergies to support Myanmar’s on-going reform process, India has reaffirmed through its “Act-East” Policy that Myanmar is one of it’s most significant partners towards the East.

Historically, India and Myanmar were part of the same administrative setup during the colonial era. More significantly, the preeminence of Buddhism in Myanmar and Buddhism’s historical relationship with India, gives an average citizen of Myanmar a natural affinity towards India. It is often remarked that “Myanmar can get anything from any part of the world, but for Nirvana, it needs India”! Today Yangon, once famously known as Rangoon, houses the tomb of Bahadur Shah Zafar, the last Mughal Emperor, where he died in Exile. The House of Memories is a delight to visit, with pictures of Netaji Subash Chandra Bose with the Burmese national hero General Aung San lined along the walls, signaling a strong bond of friendship and trust between them. More significantly, India is omnipresent in Myanmar, through food, celebration of Indian festivals, business, religion, language, and more, signifying a strong zeal of many present-day residents to stay connected to their Indian ancestrial roots.

Within India as well, Burma strikes a chord with many, particularly among the ancestry of many business communities. Even today, many places in South-India have localities named after Burma. The “Burma Bazaar” in Chennai is one of the most notable, but other smaller localities exist in many towns, such as the quiet “Burma Colony” in the coastal-town of Kakinada, Andhra Pradesh, where veterans stand ready to relay stories of themselves or their forefathers who traveled to Burma amidst testing circumstances to make a living, or sometimes a fortune. In recent times, many young Indian entrepreneurs are exploring the country’s vast business potential, often driven by passion to reconnect with experiences of their ancestors. The yearning for a more active connection from both sides stands deep today, and to negate the risk of losing this fragile link in the future, it is important to document and preserve the memories of our ancestors, and support those who are striving to reestablish and further strengthen that connection.

Geographically, the most obvious line of interaction between the two nations is of course, trade and commerce, through both road and sea-routes. Currently, the bilateral trade between India and Myanmar amounts to over USD 1 Billion, but there is enormous scope for enhancement, particularly through investment in infrastructure, and trade in commodities, pharmaceuticals, textiles etc. In terms of improving connectivity, which is a critical factor, the prospects look bright with the Kaladan Multi-modal Transit Transport Project, which is expected to significantly reduce shipping time, paving way for increased collaboration, upon its completion in 2016. A tri-lateral highway is also being constructed across the Indian North-east, Myanmar and Thailand which will open up direct road access to Thailand from India, also facilitating a cost-effective entry into the ASEAN markets for Indian businesses and investments. Most urgently, however, an Indian bank is needed in Myanmar, which will not only provide incentive for more pro-active Indian investments in Myanmar, but also facilitate better accounting of existing trade and fund-transfers, which are presently routed through Banks in Singapore, or via other means.

Government-to-Government (G2G) cooperation has been on-going with Myanmar, most prominently over the last decade in various sectors such as defense, technology, skill-development and commerce. Various linkages have been established, for instance between the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII) and the Union of Myanmar Federation of Chambers of Commerce and Industry (UMFCCI) and the Myanmar Computer Federation (MCF). Many exchange programs for capacity building activities and cooperation, particularly in the defense, governance and administration sectors are also underway. It is, however, widely perceived that the relationship though cordial, lacks intimacy. An important factor is to carefully shape the perception of Myanmar citizens on India as a partner, and if G2G initiatives are not reflected in civil society, India may lose-out on being acknowledged for its substantial contributions to Myanmar’s reform process.

Another important issue concerning India – Myanmar relations is the state of affairs on the border areas, which have long been notorious for conflict, illicit trade, and civil unrest. In recent times, the situation in Rakhine State, along the western coast-line of Myanmar, has increasingly become a cause for concern. The complex history of this region bestows the place with diverse communities, and ineffective management is a recipe for disaster. Most notably, there was large-scale migration to and from Myanmar during colonial times for economic opportunities, and the introduction of new administration and land laws in the region by the British, upset the existing social fabric, with dominant groups often losing social-power to newly designated local leaders.

Today, the Rohingya community in this region remains stateless, staying in Internally Displaced People (IDP) camps, with little access to basic needs. Historically, there have been people living in this region under different administrative setups, including small kingdoms, but many communities also migrated between this region and elsewhere, courtesy the colonial times. In recent times, there has been increased intelligence that many extremist elements are taking advantage of the unrest in the region to distort the narrative, causing further confusion regarding the identity of the Rohingya people, and the real issues at hand. The intertwined history of this region needs better documentation, and balanced representatives to identify the key-issues, and a cohesive strategy to address it.

The primary goal must be to uphold human rights and civil liberties, but at the same time, elements which are diverting the discourse, and misguiding the commons, must be dealt with immediately and severely. As a long-term solution, the region must be empowered with social and economic progress, failing which the state of affairs in the region will only create more room for disaster. India has much to offer on security and conflict management in this region. For instance, the historic alliance between BJP and PDP in Jammu and Kashmir stands as a befitting testimony to India’s often underrated success in achieving inclusive democratic objectives in a diverse and challenging environment. Exchanging similar best-practices will not only strengthen the stability of Myanmar in its reform process, but also help facilitate improved socio-economic and cultural relations in the region.

An often less-noted dimension of cooperation is natural resource management. As Myanmar is getting ready to implement its environmental conservation law, India could offer valuable lessons through its own experience, particularly in managing national parks, biodiversity preservation, stakeholder engagement, or even environmental impact assessments. India’s numerous biodiversity hotspots could serve as sites for knowledge sharing, and also institutional capacity building through high-quality training facilities such as the Forest Research Institute in Dehradun. Moreover, water is an abundant resource in Myanmar, with high need for prudent management, and a priority sector in India for sustainable development. Going forward, there may be room for much collaboration between both nations on water policy, river basin management and even hydro-energy. Lessons from India may not only be useful, but also more relevant when compared to similar technical assistance from Western counterparts.

The tryst between India and Myanmar is truly multi-dimensional, and forging a mutually-beneficial people-driven strategy for building a civilizational partnership has the potential to bring much prosperity to both nations, which are ready to erupt on the global platform, each in their own way.

Sriharsha Masabathula is a Young India Fellow, 2014. The views expressed are his own.

~ By Ram Madhav Varanasi

When the Jammu and Kashmir BJP gave the call for “Mission 44+” during the run up to the assembly elections in the state, we had our own assessments and calculations for how we could achieve it. We foresaw various post-poll scenarios and worked on different permutations and combinations. But frankly, not even once did we think of a situation where we would be joining hands with the PDP.

Something that was unthinkable and unimaginable has happened. Today, J&K has a coalition government led jointly by the PDP and the BJP. In politics, the lure of power sometimes makes strange bedfellows. Occasionally, politics also provides you with an opportunity to think of impossible things to achieve larger goals. What prompted the BJP and the PDP to form this alliance?

Had it been only the lure of power, there would have been a government in Jammu some six to eight weeks ago. If power were the only objective, better options were available to the PDP — the Congress and the National Conference were ready to support it unconditionally. An “unholy” alliance between these parties would have left the BJP the lone opposition in the state. But besides being unholy, it would have also become an unrepresentative government.

The J&K assembly elections have thrown up a difficult and complex verdict. Any government without BJP participation would have meant the exclusion of one full region of the state in the administration. Thus the options were restricted. And we decided to go for the most difficult, yet most durable, option —  a PDP-BJP alliance.

“The results of these elections have been judged as fractured and indecisive by everyone. The reality is that it is not the mandate of political parties that is fractured; it is the polity of J&K that is fractured. Instead of being judgemental about these electoral results, the PDP and the BJP have made efforts to understand the verdict in all its complexity” – this is how the common minimum programme of the PDP-BJP coalition describes the electoral outcome.

It took a full two months to stitch this alliance carefully. As Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed described it aptly, the two parties are like the “North and South Poles”. There were difficulties, highs and lows, as well as stalemates during the nerve-wracking negotiations.
There were at least a couple of occasions when we almost decided to call off the talks and pack up. It was like the proverbial war of nerves.

Yet we succeeded in the end because of two factors. First, neither side looked at government formation as arithmetic. We had a much larger objective in mind. We had a distinct mandate that needed to be respected. There was an opportunity to bring the people of Jammu and the Valley closer. As Mufti pointed out, the geographical distance can be covered in six hours; but

the emotional distance couldn’t be covered in 60 years. We are also presented with the opportunity to decimate the emotional barriers between J&K and the rest of the country.

Second, our success depended on the fact that we didn’t allow any extraneous factors to influence us. We kept the negotiations strictly under wraps, not with any ulterior intention, but to ensure that we don’t get distracted.

We finally have a common minimum programme, “Agenda of the Alliance”, released yesterday by the new chief minister and his deputy. Have we compromised? A resounding no. Where we have fundamental differences, we have admitted it honestly and given our prescription based on a common understanding —  not necessarily consensus —  of each other’s concerns.

Take, for example, the question of Article 370. “While recognising the different positions and appreciating the perceptions BJP and PDP have on the constitutional status of J&K, considering the political and legislative realities, the present position will be maintained on all the constitutional provisions pertaining to J&K, including the special status in the Constitution of India” — this is what the common minimum programme says. We have agreed to “maintain all constitutional provisions” for the next six years, something we did in 1999, when the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led NDA government was formed.

Similarly, on the contentious Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, the common minimum programme has left the onus of taking a “final view” on the Union government, while the state government would, for its part, “examine” the need for “denotifying disturbed areas”. Even here, both the parties admit that they “have historically held a different view on the AFSPA and the need for it in the state at present”.

The focus of the new coalition government will be threefold: restoring peace, the large-scale rehabilitation of flood victims and ensuring “equitable distribution and balanced development” of all the three regions of the state. Towards that end, the common minimum programme has many social, humanitarian and developmental initiatives for all sections of the state.

The Kashmiri Pandits will return to the Valley with “dignity based on their rights as state subjects”. A “one-time settlement” will be worked out for the refugees from Pakistan-occupied Kashmir of 1947, ’65 and ’71. Measures will be taken to ensure that the West Pakistan refugees who have been languishing in the state for almost 70 years, without their basic human needs being taken care of, will get “sustenance and livelihood”. A new dawn is breaking for millions of hapless refugees who will now get a ration card for the first time in their lives.

An ambitious agenda of governance and development guides the new coalition in the state. The challenges are serious. A rotten, corrupt system is what the new leaders have inherited. A near bankrupt economy and the utter misery of the people stare them in the face. Above all, they will have to manage the inherent contradictions between two political parties with distinct ideological predilections.

But the leadership is mature. It may take some time to adjust to the new partnership.

A faux pas causing PR problems every now and then can’t be ruled out. However, if the coalition leadership is committed to the vision enunciated in the common minimum programme, it would open a new chapter in the history of J&K.

A political commentator has observed that this common minimum programme is a document that symbolises the second and de facto accession of the state. This may sound hyperbolic. Nevertheless, it underscores the significance of this historic alliance in J&K. Its success will herald a landmark strengthening of India’s integrity and sovereignty.

Ram Madhav Varanasi is the General Secretary of Bhartiya Janata Party and the Director of India Foundation. The views expressed are his own.

~ By Sudarshan Ramabadran

“India will not develop till the Northeast develops. We are committed to realising the potential of the Northeast & accelerating its progress”, tweeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi before embarking on his maiden visit to the region in December 2014. Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s leadership Northeast India has witnessed increased impetus as it remains India’s pivot to her pragmatic and realistic policy of ‘Act East’.

The significance which the Northeastern region assumes amongst the Indian leadership is discernible in the recent bilateral meeting between the heads of Singapore and India. During the meeting between Prime Minister Narendra Modi and visiting Singaporean President Tony Tan Keng Yam, PM Modi sought Singaporean expertise to set up a skill development centre in Northeast India. Reportage which has emerged post the bilateral meeting, has excerpts of quotes from officials who have stated, “It is rare for north-eastern India to figure so prominently in foreign policy deliberations,” This perhaps shows the determination with which Government of India(GoI) is seeking to ensure all round sustainable development of the region. In his meeting with the Singapore President, PM Modi is also reported to have spoken in favour of greater air connectivity for the Northeastern region.

However seeking Singapore’s expertise has in no way been a one-off initiative on the part of GoI or PM Modi; whereas on the other hand consistent and decisive steps have been taken by GoI under PM Modi’s leadership to facilitate an ecosystem which will ensure all round sustainable development of the region. Taking cue from then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee’s decision of allocating 10% of the country’s budget towards Northeast’s development; in its first budget, GoI had made a provision of Rs. 53,000 crores for the development of the eight north-eastern states. Among the 5Ts which were outlined by PM Modi as priorities, Tourism in one among them. Thus, in order to help the region script success in tourism, GoI has also taken substantive initiatives. Prominent among them being, to boost connectivity in the region, the GoI has made an allocation of Rs.28, 000 crores for starting 14 new railway lines. Plans are also in the pipeline to have a dedicated brand ambassador for the region and inviting film makers to extensively shoot in the region.

98 % of the Northeastern states also share their borders with some of India’s South Asian neighbours such as China, Myanmar, Thailand, Bangladesh etc. In view of this, another vital aspect, which the GoI is keen to improve, is its border infrastructure. Basic requirements such as road, power, and schools along the border in the region are being carefully paid attention to, for betterment. This is in all certainty part of PM Modi’s visionary strategy of reorienting India’s foreign policy towards stronger ties with Southeast and East Asia.

GoI has also advanced its plans for the Northeast in terms of better relations with Bangladesh and Myanmar. During his visit to Tripura, PM Modi envisioned an economic corridor that would be established using Northeast India, Myanmar, and the adjoining regions. GoI has also signed an agreement with Japan to open an economic corridor with Myanmar. Key transit initiatives between Northeast India and Myanmar – the Kaladan Multi-Modal Transport Project and the India-Myanmar-Thailand trilateral highway are also on track to be completed by 2016. This too is part of GoI’s long term intiative to favour greater economic linkages between Northeastern states and adjoining countries such as Thailand, Myanmar and Bangladesh to ensure greater economic development in the Northeastern region. Japan too has been roped in to be a major infrastructure development partner, PM Modi’s visit to Japan in September 2014 affirmed his commitment to joint projects for the region in a variety of sectors.

Furthering the cause of development of the region, in September 2014, the Prime Minister’s Office had directed the Project Monitoring Group (PMG) to fast track development projects in the Northeast region. Towards this, GoI had already identified 21 such key projects worth over Rs1 lakh crore for ensuring faster clearances to them. Of 21 projects, nine projects are from Arunachal Pradesh, seven from Assam, three from Tripura and one each from Meghalaya and Manipur. More than 50 per cent of these projects are power projects including that of transmission lines followed by five railway projects, four related to petroleum and natural gas and one related to cement plant. In addition, to ensure speedy implementation of the GoI’s social and economic programmes, eight union ministers will visit one of the eight northeastern states every fortnight.

GoI has also set out on a vital task to prepare India for a knowledge future. To improve power and digital connectivity, Rs. 5,000 crores had been earmarked for North-eastern states to strengthen intra-state power transmission and distribution systems. A similar amount had also been allocated for boosting 2G mobile connectivity for the eight states.

“North-eastern region can be the capital of India’s organic agriculture.” said PM Modi during his visit to the region, towards this GoI had also earmarked Rs.100 crores as part of its push to encourage organic farming in the region. It was during his visit to Arunachal Pradesh during the campaign for Lok Sabha elections, PM Modi coined 3Hs : Herbal, Horticulture and Handicraft.Recognising that 40% horticulture produce in the Northeast gets wasted due to non-availability of proper storage, GoI is also planning to rope in some food processing industries to set up their units in the region and avail the benefits of horticulture products.
Education and youth led development have also emerged as priorities. As part of student and teacher exchange programmes, GoI has also introduced the Ishan Uday special scholarships for 10,000 students, and the Ishan Vikas scheme for 2000 students and 500 faculty members from colleges of the Northeast to visit other parts of the country every year.

Despite the presence of abundant natural resources in the region and huge investment opportunities, the region has been deprived of growth and development. This is precisely because there is no onus on the leadership in each state for a sense of ownership and responsibilities over development of the region as a whole. It is towards this that recently before the 1st NITI Aayog meeting with the state CMs, PM Modi held a brief meeting with all Northeastern state CMs which underscores the importance which GoI attaches to Cooperative Federalism, which in essence means, for India to develop, states must develop. A vital prerequisite in fulfilling India’s renewed Act East Policy is to look and act towards Eastern India and that is precisely what is being actively pursued under PM Modi.

Sudarshan Ramabadran is a Research Assistant with India Foundation. The views expressed are his own. 

~ By Alok Bansal

US President Barack Obama’s visit to New Delhi as the chief guest for India’s Republic Day celebrations has raised vast expectations. Not only is this the first time that a US President will be the chief guest, it is also unique for a US President to visit India twice during his tenure. It may seem strange, but the US is the only country from P-5 whose leader had never been invited for India’s Republic Day. The expectations, therefore, are sky high. Most analysts believe that it is the congruence of interests in the post-Cold War era that has brought the two countries together. However, a realistic appraisal will show that the proximity is driven more by the common values of democracy and pluralism, rather than any common perceived interests. This explains the relatively robust people-to-people relationship, even during the heights of Cold War, when the two countries were viewed to be on different sides of the global divide. In today’s world the interests have become transient, but the societal values are relatively constant. The two countries are undoubtedly the largest democracies as well as amongst the most pluralistic societies in the globe.

However, when it comes to the average citizens, the relationship is often viewed from the prism of two triangular relationships, namely — India, Pakistan and the US; and India, China and the US. Most Indians look at the US in terms of its relationship with Pakistan. Consequently, they expect the US to ensure that Pakistan fulfils India’s wish list, from delivering Dawood Ibrahim to incarcerating Hafiz Saeed. To that extent, President Obama’s visit to India not being linked to Pakistan is a big positive. On the other hand, many in the US perceive India as a bulwark against growing Chinese influence. They presuppose a conflictual relationship between India and China and expect India to become an ally. It is important to look at the bilateral relations without looking through these triangular relationships. It must be appreciated that India’s security interests cannot be underwritten by others. On the other hand, India is too big to become an appendage and would always like to retain its right to say “no” in any partnership.

The visit may resolve longstanding deadlocks on the civil nuclear deal and defence cooperation. The US has emerged as the largest supplier of defence equipment to India and its defence sales to India have crossed over $10 billion. Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s “Make in India” programme offers US companies, especially those in the defence sector, a unique opportunity with suitable incentives to set up manufacturing facilities in the largest defence market. Inexpensive labour, a large market and consequently, the economies of scale can easily allow them to develop India as a production hub for supplying to other parts of the world as well. It may be prudent for them not to waste time nitpicking, trying to find flaws in procedures, but to look at the intent which is to facilitate. Similarly, it may be prudent to look at the long term cooperation in the field of defence by way of joint development and production of new platforms and systems, rather than looking at quick procurement deals.

Another field where there is immense scope for cooperation is green technologies. India is looking for cleaner technologies to ameliorate the impact of rapid growth and industrialisation. Climate change has become significant and India is committed to cutting down its carbon emissions by 25% and this requires greater reliance on renewable energy. The two countries are collaborating in this field under Partnership to Advance Clean Energy (PACE) and this has the potential to transform India.

President Obama’s visit will usher in a new era in Indo-US relations, by laying down a foundation for long term cooperation. It may not result in any spectacular announcements, but the President shares a unique chemistry with Prime Minister Modi. The two leaders have risen from underprivileged backgrounds to transform their countries and this similarity leads to a bond that has the potential to cement the Indo-US relationship for the future.

Alok Bansal is the Director Centre for Security and Strategy, India foundation. The views expressed are his own.

~ By Tarang Singhal

The importance of skills in India is not a recent phenomenon. The varna system was designed keeping in mind that the identity of the person is from what he does and that is supreme, which then ossified into a system based on birth and then hierarchy. The creators had a different purpose in mind, they saw the need for a varied skills set and thus probably wanted to create guilds that could ultimately churn out individuals who are the best at what they do. It is no wonder today to see a shock when the humble electrician has a visiting fees of Rs 200! There are places in India where doctors don’t charge that much fees even today. One can only imagine things going worse or better, depending on what side of the table you are! Though this can be attributed to living costs of the place but I disagree with the notion. Young men aged 16-20 scoff at agriculture jobs (which in many cases is really well paying, how did they manage to buy that Hero Honda bike after-all), however the story is same when they are offered vocational training for electrician or welding. Their first reaction is to avoid it and ask for computer related jobs, this does show an increase in aspiration but hard to point out the irony (the jobs around them need core skills!). Yet this is not even half the story of skill development in India. You will find countless NGOs working in skill development in India, many offer Mobile Repair training to 15 youth from the same village (an industry which is highly unorganized), and one wonders how many would find gainful employment. Then there are the ubiquitous ITIs. What was a step in the right direction, today only offers a piece of paper which acts as a mere qualifier.

Skill development in India requires a complete inversion in how we understand education. The exposure to skills/vocational skills is seen as fit for a certain strata of society. The fact that we have mentally classified jobs such as electrician, plumbing, mechanic as the lowest portends to a modern caste system. By conflating these gainful skills with economic strata we have ensured that the stigma remains. Skills education in India requires the following:

1. Introduction of vocational courses at school level with which can be replaced with any subject a student wants.
2. Integrating the ITI model with the first point and then further create a skills curriculum with the industry. It may be worthwhile to drop the obsession to have ITIs in every district but create near industrial clusters and get industries to design curriculum. Introduce new courses (such as graphic designing, video shooting, facility management, banking correspondent security management etc.) which are relevant to clusters.
3. Apprentice model needs to be strengthened by integrating it with ITI curriculum (something like a final year project) facilitating placement of ITI graduates.
4. Creating a market place for blue collar jobs, that links these jobs with a set of tangible skill sets and requirements

The government has started making the right moves about it, already moving from the previous model of only talking about mere placements to addressing the core issues of skill development. Competitiveness of our labour at a global level is the vision that is now being talked about. A 500 million strong globally competitive work force by 2022 is the right way to look at it. The recently created skills ministry is a sign of showing the priorities. The first signs look encouraging. The task requires cooperation between departments like fisheries, textiles, agriculture, rural development, heavy industries just to name a few and the ministry could do well if aggregates and lays down ground work for synergies. The task at hand is cut out. The Indo-EU Skills Development Project has done some ground work around how to approach the complex problem. In a recently conducted survey for automotive clusters in Mahrashtra the agency found that the gaps in data collection being done by the present agencies. Basic data such as wages, skills set for jobs, the classification of workforce in blue collar jobs (which haven’t been revised since the archaic classification for labour) was found to be in formats that cannot be used in present day terms. The urgent need to upgrade capacity of the functionaries is the first step that needs to be taken. The disconnect between the labour ministry and the skills ministry would require immediate resolution. A real view of the today’s burgeoning service based industry and a pragmatic view towards addressing them with inputs from industry would be a good starting point.

The next would entail creating a framework of jobs mapped with skills for whom industries have present and future requirements. This would follow with the work done at step one and align with the work done by the respective ministries. This would flow into creation of a market place where the industries can then post their requirements. The classification would then also enable in creation of the right kind of clusters and curriculum that enables placement with the industry. Policy making would be required to promote industries and agencies to fill in this gap.  There is a large un-organized sector in India where maximum graduates of ITI are usually headed. They have neither any incentive nor capability to offer rigorous training. This results in the widely reported numbers of India having the lowest productivity among BRIC countries. Our Policymakers sadly haven’t moved beyond policies that focus on districts and the per hour rate for trainers. Critical things like Training of Trainers, curriculum upgradation and infrastructure upgradation are not even on the radar. Skills will command respect when they are relevant. If today your wood smith uses tools that were used by his forefathers it reflects the fact that an entire ecosystem to upgrade the skills and thus expose to more efficient techniques are completely missing.

To conclude, the barometer for skills development will not be how much is your electrician paid but what tools is he working with and probably where his/her kids are studying.

Tarang Singhal  works in the CSR sector of Vedanta group. The views expressed are his own. 

~ By Ram Madhav Varanasi

India is looking forward to US President Barack Obama’s visit to Delhi as the guest of honour at this year’s Republic Day parade on January 26. Neither the fact that he is the outgoing president nor that it is his second visit as president dampens the enthusiasm in the Indian establishment.

Coming a few months after the visit of Chinese President Xi Jinping, this visit has understandably been seen by some as India’s effort at a balancing act. However it must be kept in mind that Prime Minister Modi’s foreign policy approach is non-conventional. He has freed Indian diplomacy from romantic slogan-mongering and embarked on a pragmatic ‘India’s interest’ path. Even when he is on a multilateral mission his focus is on bilateralism with ‘India’s interest’ as the benchmark. Thus for him, the visit of the Chinese president and the forthcoming visit of the US president are, far from being a balancing act, two independent events that have great bearing on India’s diplomatic objectives.
US-India relations have seen many ups and downs. When Prime Minister Modi took over many skeptics thought that the relationship would go from bad to worse because of the visa related acrimony between the two in the last one decade. But Prime Minister Modi displayed great statesmanship by leaving behind all the personal insults and ill-will and embarking on a major charm offensive. As an astute politician he used his visit to the US in October last to attend the United Nations General Assembly to set bilateral relations on a different course.

He spent just 24 hours in Washington DC. But in that short visit he was able to achieve so much, the most important being the demolition of the skepticism and creation of confidence. President Obama too responded positively to the overtures thus laying a firm foundation for a redefined relationship.
India and US are the world’s most populous and successful democracies. Both share several political, ethical and moral values. Thus the two are seen by many as natural allies. India’s four million strong diaspora population is a binding factor between the two countries. Both have benefited in all these years whenever the relations were cordial. Both have suffered due to misunderstandings and consequent strain in relationship too.

The joint statement issued by both the leaders during PM Modi’s visit to Washington DC comprehensively outlined the agenda for cooperation and development. It described the new initiative as a “long-term vision for a resilient and ambitious partnership” and “guiding framework” for the people and the government. The joint statement aptly underscored that ‘prosperity and security’ are the expected end result of the strategic partnership between the two countries. On his part, Prime Minister Modi was categorical in emphasizing that India accords ‘priority’ to its partnership with the United States in order to ‘realize India’s rise as a responsible, influential world power’.
Prime Minister Modi, continuing his determined effort to upgrade the relations, has invited President Obama to attend this year’s Republic Day parade. President Obama too displayed his goodwill by accepting the invitation. It is now up to the two leaders to use the opportunity to chart out a road map for future.
Economics plays an important role in the relationship between the two countries. Prime Minister Modi is aggressively pushing forward a development agenda that requires massive investments from all over. The US can be one of the important countries to supplement the efforts and support this agenda. PM Modi’s vision of providing a better life to his people calls for massive investment in the fields of infrastructure, education, skill development, healthcare and manufacturing. He has taken several steps like raising caps to encourage FDI in many areas including insurance, real estate etc. Several infrastructure areas like roads, railways, ports, defence are also partially or fully opened up for foreign equity participation. Much awaited and much needed amendments to the Land Acquisition Act too have taken place bolstering investor confidence especially in the infrastructure areas.

The US has good scope to enter into these areas by enhancing its investments. The Indo-US bilateral trade stands at $ 100 billion today. Prime Minister Modi has ambitious plans for a ten-fold growth of Indian economy from present $ 2 trillion. That gives enormous scope for the bilateral trade also to grow from current figures to $ 500 billion as envisaged by the leaders of the two countries.

Besides economy and trade there are areas like counter-terrorism and regional security, environment and climate change etc. in which the two countries have a greater scope to cooperate. Climate change area is a potential minefield for both the countries. UN Climate Change regime talks are due for the end of this year in Paris where a new world order on climate change is expected to be announced. There is a lot of jostling taking place between the developed and developing countries over the reduction of hydrofluorocarbon – HFC emissions. Although the US has reasonably amended its position the concerns of the Third World countries over the emergence of an unequal regime remain relevant. India has been firmly opposing any unjust order in climate change regime so far. It can’t be complacent even at this stage of greater bonhomie with the US. It would be a better idea to designate a Special Envoy for Climate Change Negotiations and deploy aggressive PR in the next few months so that the UN member countries can be properly sensitized about the need for a just and equitable world climate regime.
Counter-terrorism and regional and homeland security are comparatively easier areas for India and US to cooperate. As two major democracies in the world with pluralist ethos and values the two countries recognise their responsibility to jointly work towards ameliorating the situation in West Asia, Middle East and Pak-Af regions. The rise of ISIL calls for a totally new approach by the democratic world especially in the light of the incidents in Paris and other European cities. Close to two thousand European citizens have reportedly joined ISIL in the last few months. Deradicalisation programs thus acquire greater significance and urgency.
Besides ISIL, the two countries have to reach a common understanding about the situation in the Pak-Af region. So far the US’ stand on Pakistan has remained a matter of concern to India. Despite unequivocal evidence linking Pakistan with global terror the US has adopted ostrich approach going to the ridiculous extent of manufacturing Good Taliban-Bad Taliban distinction. In its eagerness to appease the potential trouble maker in the region the US has shown little sensitivity to the concerns of countries like India. As recently as last month the US Congress has again released $ 100 Billion aid to Pakistan brushing aside objections from many from within and without.
However there appears to be some rethinking of late. Secretary Kerry for the first time asked Pakistan to neutralise terror groups on ‘both sides’ that are engaged in cross border terrorism. President Obama is expected to give out similar signals as his gesture of calling up the prime minister of Pakistan immediately after accepting India’s invitation for the Republic Day has not been appreciated by the hosts.
There are challenges in the Indo-Pacific region, especially in South China Sea about which references were made by Prime Minister Modi at the ASEAN meeting in Myanmar as well as in the joint statement with President Obama. This region has become the new hub of trade activity. The global power axis has moved away from the Pacific-Atlantic region to Indo-Pacific region. Growing prosperity of the countries in the region is leading to growing tensions too. As a major country in the region India has a lot of stakes. It has upgraded its Look East policy into an ambitious Act East policy. However to realise the dream of emerging as a major player in the region India needs to equip itself in a big way.

India’s blue water navy is in a pathetic condition. A lot of up-gradation of vessels, equipment and skills is needed for it to progress in the direction of its ambition. The other power in the region, China, has assiduously built up its maritime capacity in the last decade or so. Once a great maritime power the country had lost its primacy after 16th century due to some archaic thinking of its rulers. However it has made an impressive comeback in the last two decades giving sleepless nights to other maritime powers like Japan and the US.

India and the US have been cooperating on the naval front for a long time. According to one estimate the two countries undertake close to fifty joint exercises in a year meaning a joint exercise every week. Of late a trilateral exercise partnering India, Japan and US too has been initiated. India expects greater cooperation in this area with the US in the coming years.

India under Prime Minister Modi wants to play a greater role in the world affairs. Usually the discussion on India’s global role is always linked to the permanent membership in the UN Security Council. India’s legitimate right to secure a place in UNSC is undisputed. But as a rising economic power India can aspire for a role in several other multilateral bodies like Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR) etc. President Obama recognises that India deserves a place of prominence in these bodies. India expects the US to help it secure that place.

Prime Minister Modi has shown extraordinary skill and determination in uplifting Indo-US relations to a next higher level. It is US’s turn to show that they too are committed to it. Most important challenge in the relations is to uplift India from the usual hyphenation with Pakistan or China. Looking at US’ relations with India from the prism of Pakistan and China has been the nemesis of the relations in all these years. President Obama should be prepared to walk that extra mile in order to exploit the great potential the relationship offers to both the countries.

Ram Madhav Varanasi is the General Secretary of Bhartiya Janata Party and the Director of India Foundation. The views expressed are his own.