Although Bhutan is a landlocked country, we are intrinsically connected to the Indian Ocean through ecological systems, trade, and other forms of connectivity. The Indian Ocean had long served us as a gateway for Bhutan and a vital link for our trade and connectivity with nations in the region and beyond.

Our access to the Indian Ocean is through India, which has been steadfast in its support for strengthening trade and connectivity routes. This unwavering support from the Government of India has not only made Bhutan’s access to the ocean possible but has also significantly contributed to Bhutan’s economic prosperity. Transport corridors and logistics hubs are being strengthened to foster a more integrated and connected future.

The Indian Ocean is not only a vital artery of global trade but also an important link for cultural exchange and ecological diversity. The ocean has sustained the livelihoods of millions of people and has connected us with one another. It is important that we continue to recognise our shared heritage across the ocean. The Indian Ocean is also a vast carbon sink, absorbing carbon and is critical to the global fight against rising temperatures and climate change. The ocean regulates regional weather, including monsoons and rainfall patterns, on which millions depend.

The Indian Ocean, however, faces numerous challenges, ranging from climate change and marine degradation to geopolitical competition. Any further degradation of the ocean will have a catastrophic impact not only on coastal areas but also on countries such as the Himalayan nation of Bhutan. The rapid melting of glaciers in the Himalayas due to rising temperatures is a serious challenge and a threat that Bhutan is facing at the moment. Similarly, the erratic and heavy monsoon storms that we increasingly experience are causing huge losses to livelihoods and national infrastructure.

It’s also vital to safeguard freedom of navigation in the Indian Ocean in accordance with international law. The ongoing conflicts around the world have shown that, despite geographic distance, any action that impairs freedom of navigation can have devastating effects on countries worldwide. What happens in the Indian Ocean matters to all of us; its health, security, and governance shape the future of our region.

Bhutan has not been able to shield itself from the impacts of the global fuel shortage caused by the ongoing conflicts. Overnight, fuel prices doubled, leading to a sharp increase in the cost of living for the people. While the Royal Government of Bhutan is making every effort to mitigate the impact, our citizens continue to bear the brunt, particularly those in low-income groups. As the COVID-19 pandemic had devastating effects on our economy, these conflicts and their subsequent effect on the cost of living are likely to undo all the recovery we have made since the pandemic.

Given our strong dependence on the Indian Ocean, it is pertinent that we continue to build collective stewardship of the ocean and strengthen its governance. It’s heartening to see, here today, recognition that the Indian Ocean is a common heritage and a shared space, guided by principles of inclusivity, mutual respect, transparency, and adherence to international law. The discussions we have already had on shifting from competition to cooperation, from short-term gains to long-term sustainability, and from fragmented approaches to holistic governance of the ocean are highly encouraging.

Bhutan believes that we should continue to strengthen regional institutions, foster dialogue, and promote trust-building measures, all of which are key to minimising challenges and enhancing collaboration across the Indian Ocean region. We firmly believe that no single nation can effectively manage the complex and interconnected issues of the Indian Ocean alone. It is important that we, as a region, come together to safeguard the many aspects of the ocean.

Bhutan would also call for enhanced economic cooperation by promoting blue economy initiatives such as sustainable fisheries, renewable ocean energy, and eco-tourism, which, while unlocking shared prosperity, also preserve the ocean’s health. As emphasised by our development philosophy of Gross National Happiness, harmony between human progress and environmental conservation is highly relevant to Indian Ocean governance. Our collective efforts should focus on the sustainable use of marine resources, the protection of biodiversity, and urgent action on climate change.

It is against this backdrop, and recognising that areas beyond national jurisdiction remain the common heritage of mankind, Bhutan has been actively following the BBNJ (Biodiversity Beyond National Jurisdiction) preparatory commission sessions and has also undertaken preliminary discussions on the process. From converting our shared challenges into shared opportunities to embracing collective stewardship of our common good, and from enhancing cooperation in a polarised world where prosperity is shared, our ecosystems are protected, and peace is preserved, Bhutan stands ready to contribute to this shared vision.

Author Brief Bio: H.E. D N Dhungyel is the Foreign Minister, Bhutan

 

I wish to congratulate Mauritius, the first African country to host the Indian Ocean Conference. And yes, Mauritius and Seychelles together charted a path to collective stewardship in 2012, when we founded the Joint Management Area over approximately 400,000 square kilometres of ocean in the Saya de Malha, a key international example of ocean governance.

We must recognise a fundamental truth: while stewardship is a shared responsibility in principle, it is not a burden shared equally in practice. What is the reality for large ocean states? For nations like Mauritius and Seychelles, we are often labelled as Small Island Developing States, but in the context of this conference, we are large ocean states. While our landmasses may be modest, the maritime territories we manage are vast.

The Indian Ocean is not merely a strategic space; it is the shared economic lifeline sustaining our entire region. Today, that lifeline is under immense strain. Tensions in the Strait of Hormuz, the Red Sea and the Bab-el-Mandeb are reshaping maritime activity before our eyes. We see shipping routes adjusted, insurance conditions tightened, and transit times lengthened. For import-dependent economies like ours, these are not abstract geopolitical shifts; they translate directly into higher living costs and mounting pressure on our tourism, fisheries and food supply. What happens at sea shapes what happens on land.

Stewardship as a public good: Seychelles and our neighbours in the western Indian Ocean provide a public good to the public and the global community. We secure key corridors against sea piracy and maritime crime. We manage the health of the beating heart of our economies to ensure the ocean remains a space of shared opportunity. Yet the cost of this stewardship is immense. As shipping patterns shift, activity in our waters is increasing, placing growing demands on our port infrastructure, maritime services, and logistical coordination. Reliability is the currency of global trade, and for island states, that currency is under extreme pressure.

Redefining resilience, the Multi-Dimensional Vulnerability Index and climate justice are key foreign policy priorities for countries like ours. Governance cannot be effective if the stewards of the ocean are denied the tools to build resilience. The current global financial architecture often fails to recognise our reality. We are frequently penalised by traditional metrics that focus solely on income, ignoring the inherent fragilities of being an island nation. We call for the urgent and full implementation of the Multi-Dimensional Vulnerability Index, adopted a year ago by the United Nations General Assembly. We must move beyond an outdated obsession with GDP. Furthermore, we cannot discuss governance without addressing climate justice. Our people are on the front lines of a climate crisis they did not create. True stewardship requires that those who benefit most from these blue corridors contribute fairly to their protection. Security is the prerequisite for prosperity, but sustainability is the prerequisite for survival.

Seychelles remains committed to practical cooperation. We are honoured to chair the Contact Group on Illicit Maritime Activities. We recognise that partnerships multiply capacity and that shared challenges demand shared responses. However, collective stewardship must now move beyond principle and into practice. This requires: One, investment in infrastructure to strengthen port efficiency and sustainable maritime connectivity, reducing reliance on limited, vulnerable transit routes. Two, securing digital frontiers. Recognising that the maritime domain is now as much digital as it is physical, we must protect critical undersea cables that underpin global finance and communications. Three, unlocking the blue economy. Not simply using the ocean, but sustaining its value through marine innovation, sustainable aquaculture, and ocean-based services.

Effective enforcement to ensure operational responses is backed by strong legal frameworks. Without investigation and prosecution, there can be no deterrence, and without deterrence, no lasting stability.

In conclusion, the Indian Ocean does not divide us; it defines us. How we choose to govern it today will shape our region’s future for generations to come. Stability in this ocean cannot be taken for granted. The stakes could not be higher. Let us work together to ensure the Indian Ocean remains open, secure, and economically vibrant – a shared platform of opportunity for us all.

Author Brief Bio: H.E. Barry Faure is the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Seychelles

 

We are all in trouble, as current energy challenges are causing disruptions that will reverberate for years to come. Some analysts say this crisis will have implications much larger than the twin oil shocks we saw in the 1970s – the 1974 oil embargo and the 1979 Iranian revolution. And we all know that, immediately thereafter, the 1980s became a lost decade of development for developing countries. So, if the effects of the current crisis are larger than those of the 1970s shocks, we can imagine the risks we are facing.

This is the immediate problem, but a larger issue is the context in which it is happening. The kind of orderly world – which was not that orderly, but orderly enough for us to comfortably believe that the global system would take care of our problems – is unfortunately under very serious pressure. We see assaults on multilateralism and the increasing prevalence of unilateral actions. And the global frameworks, be they a system of legal instruments or international organisations, are no longer helping us effectively to deal with these issues. This is a time that should logically propel us towards collective action, because individual countries would not be able to meet the challenges by themselves.

For that reason, I believe the theme of the Indian Ocean Conference is extremely apt. Unless we are able to collectively steward governance of the Indian Ocean, we will not be able to withstand, by our individual actions, the challenges we face today. There might be a ceasefire, but the energy issue is not going to be resolved in two weeks. Even if the energy situation improves in two years, we still have this larger problem of the decline of multilateralism.

The Indian Ocean region, with its over two billion people, will have a lot to lose in the coming years if we are not able to collectively address the issues we face today. Seas and oceans are not separate spaces, nor are they spaces that separate us. Over centuries, our own ocean, the Indian Ocean, has kept connecting ideas, traders, travellers, and cultures. And in these challenging times, it is essential that our countries cooperate while competing at the same time. Across all our blue waters, our common people are drawn to the aspirations they share.

Now nearly two months into office, Bangladesh Prime Minister Tariq articulates his development agenda by envisioning the resolution of issues within and beyond borders for a shared future, in which our collective actions in the Indian Ocean region feature prominently. We also face other serious challenges, including a very young population across these nations, with a median age of around 30 years. Our young people seek opportunities far afield, within and beyond the Indian Ocean region. People move across sectors in diverse ways. Now, ensuring the safe, orderly, and responsible mobility of people within our region’s burgeoning service economy is both a reality and a necessity.

Our seas are also the principal arteries of global commerce. Freedom of navigation is essential to conducting international trade safely and smoothly. The economic security of our entire region depends critically on this freedom, which we must collectively defend. If we don’t, it will not be defended. This ocean belongs to all of us; all who live by it depend on it and dream through it. In these challenging times, our blue waters must unite, sustain, and inspire us far more than before.

We need to articulate a vision in which all of us take collective action seriously. We all have a great deal to lose if we don’t do this. I trust that the deliberations over the next couple of days will help you in your task of fashioning actions that will help us overcome the current challenges and define our collective efforts to secure a common future through effective stewardship of our ocean and the adjoining areas.

The countries around the Indian Ocean are not sitting idle. For example, Bangladesh benefits from India’s support in supplying diesel via a pipeline at a time when prices are skyrocketing. Other countries are also working together to face this challenge, but I would say that the larger challenge of the loss of trust and confidence in the global system will have to be replaced by our own actions. If we stay strong on our home front, it will be much easier for us to weather storms coming from outside.

Author Brief Bio: H.E. Khalilur Rahman is the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Bangladesh

 

There has been a significant change in our region and the world since Australia hosted the Indian Ocean Conference just two years ago. The prosperity, peace, and resilience we seek are being seriously challenged. We all know that the conflict in the Middle East has had far-reaching implications for our region. As Indian Ocean countries, we are grappling with the profound implications for energy supplies, agricultural products, and economic growth.

This crisis only underscores the global importance of the Indian Ocean region and the relevance of this year’s theme, “Collective stewardship for Indian Ocean governance”. Australia wants a region that is peaceful and predictable, governed by accepted rules and norms, where we can all cooperate, trade, and thrive. That is why the Indian Ocean Conference and key Indian Ocean institutions, such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), remain so important. Australia and India have been co-leading the IORA Maritime Safety and Security Working Group over the past two years, and that work has only become more vital given the uncertainty and instability we face.

Iran’s de facto closure of the Strait of Hormuz, together with its attacks on commercial vessels, civilian infrastructure, and oil and gas facilities, has triggered unprecedented energy supply shocks and undermined our shared security and prosperity. We will continue working with international partners to support diplomatic efforts to reopen the Strait of Hormuz, so that critical supplies can reach those who need them, including the most vulnerable.

To this end, we welcome the agreement by the United States, Israel, and Iran for a two-week ceasefire to negotiate a resolution to the conflict in the Middle East. The implications of the Middle East conflict underscore the importance of working together to support peace in our region and beyond. Australia will always remain a principled Indian Ocean power and a reliable Indian Ocean partner because this region is our region, and together we determine its character and decide its future. Working together, we can achieve a shared vision of a peaceful, stable, and prosperous Indian Ocean region.

Author Brief Bio: H.E. Penny Wong is the Minister for Foreign Affairs, Australia

 

Allow me at the outset to highlight that we have nine African countries bordering the Indian Ocean, and I take pride in being the first African state to host this annual event, which aspires to become a perennial feature of the diplomatic agenda of the Indian Ocean region.

This year’s theme for the Indian Ocean conference, “Collective Stewardship for Indian Ocean Governance,” is highly relevant given the current geopolitical context. Little did we know that when the theme was adopted, the Indian Ocean region and beyond would be affected by the conflict in the Middle East. For over six weeks, the world has experienced major disruptions to the global economy, and some economists are warning that the worst energy crisis in history is on the horizon. The recently concluded ceasefire offers a glimmer of hope. The ceasefire is fragile; the US-Iran talks could end the war or escalate it, but it holds the desperate hope of a possible way forward towards the eventual end of hostilities. The current situation compels us to reflect and reassess our priorities, and to reorient our collective efforts towards effective governance of the Indian Ocean for the interests of the region and beyond.

As far as Mauritius is concerned, the foundation of our foreign policy is to realise a prosperous and sustainable economy. Mauritius is a small island developing state, fully integrated into a globalised and equitable world. Globalisation and equity have never been more relevant, especially for us, the states of the Indian Ocean, and their partners beyond. The national anthem of Mauritius sings of the population of the country gathered as one people, one nation, in peace, justice, and liberty.

We in Mauritius are diverse, hailing from Africa, Asia, and Europe. Our ancestors were forcibly brought to Mauritius; others came by choice. The population of Mauritius has many histories. Diversity is a wealth; it is also a challenge. It calls for the contributions and efforts of all to work towards a common goal and forge a common destiny, especially as we seek to build the bridge to the future. That is the objective of the government of the day. We might not always have common positions, but we all have a common interest in addressing our immediate priorities and building the future we want for our children and the generations to come. The story of Mauritius is thus that of the states of the Indian Ocean and the stakeholders beyond the Indian Ocean. Our governments might not have common positions, but the Indian Ocean is our common interest.

When this government was elected in November 2024, it pledged in its programme to explore all opportunities arising from bilateral and multilateral cooperation to address, among other priorities, the development of the ocean economy, the promotion of regional cooperation, and the enhancement of economic integration, particularly with the coastal states of the Indian Ocean. It also pledged to enhance cooperation with the Indian Ocean Commission and the Indian Ocean Rim Association, and to press for more equitable arrangements for the allocation of marine resources in the Indian Ocean. This is in line with our desire to see ourselves no longer as a small island state, but to position ourselves as a large ocean state. This obviously calls for a change in mindset; it also calls for cooperation and synergy with and beyond the Indian Ocean states.

Respect for sovereignty and territorial integrity has always been and remains a constant in our foreign policy. It is a principle we uphold with conviction and defend consistently. Today, the recognition of our sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, as enshrined in our constitution, is a reality acknowledged across the international arena. This is a matter of justice; it is also a reaffirmation of an outcome after more than 50 years of struggle, grounded in international law. I wish to take this opportunity to thank all of you present today for your continuous support in this long struggle for unfinished post-colonial business. We will spare no effort to pursue any diplomatic or legal avenue to complete the decolonisation process in this part of the Indian Ocean.

Yet, for Mauritius, sovereignty has never meant isolation; it has never excluded cooperation. On the contrary, it has guided us towards constructive partnership. While today some dispute the right of passage through international straits, back in 2012 Mauritius and the Republic of Seychelles chose a path of collaboration. We concluded treaties to exercise joint sovereign rights and joint management of the continental shelf in the Mascarene Plateau region. This was a deliberate choice, to avoid lengthy and unnecessary maritime disputes and to act in the shared interest of our peoples. The Mauritius-Seychelles Joint Management Area was a first in history. It is a pioneering model. It is widely regarded as a textbook case of maritime cooperation, delivering tangible benefits to both parties and creating opportunities for others to engage alongside us. Our experience in establishing the Joint Management Area shows that cooperation is possible, that sovereignty and collaboration can go hand in hand, and that together we can build a framework for the collective stewardship of the Indian Ocean.

This is the spirit that must guide us in the Indian Ocean: partnership, pragmatism, and shared responsibility. In line with the principles of the Non-Aligned Movement, Mauritius has remained steadfast in its commitment to sovereignty, territorial integrity, and non-interference in the internal affairs of states. These principles are not abstract; they are essential to stability and fundamental to trust. We do not seek to influence the internal affairs of others; that is not our role. But we are ready to share our experience and to contribute. This is our vision, and this is our commitment.

Effective governance requires a rules-based order to which all parties agree to abide. This ensures coherence, coordination, and organisation for the good of all. On that score, we are fortunate to have the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), which sets the legal framework for all ocean space, including the Indian Ocean. UNCLOS thus provides all Indian Ocean states and beyond with the legal parameters for marine activities and resource management, and defines maritime zones and jurisdictions, amongst others. UNCLOS is therefore a grand maritime architecture.

More recently, the UN agreement on Marine Biological Diversity of Areas Beyond National Jurisdiction, the BBNJ agreement, entered into force in January 2026. The BBNJ addresses gaps in the sustainable use of marine biodiversity in areas beyond national jurisdiction. The Indian Ocean is vast. We, the coastal states of the Indian Ocean, are already hard-pressed to manage our EEZs. This is why UNCLOS, BBNJ, and the two other implementation agreements under UNCLOS are welcome. Their legal frameworks provide the context in which we can work towards our collective stewardship of Indian Ocean governance. Those UN legal frameworks provide the context in which the Indian Ocean Commission and the Indian Ocean Rim Association operate, respectively, for peace and stability in our region of the Indian Ocean, and for socio-economic and other peaceful considerations. Both organisations are, in fact, hosted by Mauritius.

Our cooperation with parties in the Indian Ocean, such as Exercise Cutlass Express led by the USA and Exercise PAPANGUE led by France, contributes to the upholding and respect for those UN legal instruments. More recently, following the recognition of Mauritius’s sovereignty over the Chagos Archipelago, half a century after our independence in 1968, Mauritius has initiated action to establish a marine protected area in the archipelago and to campaign for the protection and preservation of the terrestrial and marine environments of the archipelago. This project is being organised with the support of the International Union for Conservation of Nature and the British authorities, as both Mauritius and the UK share the same environmental ambitions in the Indian Ocean.

Our commitment to the Indian Ocean cannot be ignored. We must look beyond our shores and towards the horizon. We will work with the region, with the states of the Indian Ocean Rim, and with partners – be they states or organisations beyond the Indian Ocean – to enhance collective governance of the ocean. We also acknowledge the contributions of our partners: Australia, France, India, Japan, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America, in enhancing our governance capacities for the Indian Ocean.

Mauritius Prime Minister, the Honourable Dr Navin Chandra Ramgoolam, highlighted India’s MAHASAGAR, which has expanded India’s maritime vision beyond the Indian Ocean while maintaining its focus on the Global South. Behind this vision lies the practical reality of India’s multifaceted contribution to the collective governance of the Indian Ocean, whether through its current chairmanship of the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) or through its Information Fusion Centre, which enhances maritime safety and security in the Indian Ocean region by sharing information on threats such as piracy, terrorism, drug trafficking, and human trafficking. India’s Information Fusion Centre aligns with the information feeds from the Regional Coordination Operations Centre in Seychelles and the Regional Maritime Information Fusion Centre in Madagascar, both supported by the European Union.

Although at the antipodes of Mauritius, Australia contributes significantly to the Indian Ocean security architecture through its chairmanship of the IORA Working Group on Maritime Safety and Security. Japan is equally far from Mauritius; yet the government’s commitment to taking Mauritius-Japan relations to a new level is evidenced by our opening an embassy in Tokyo in October 2025, during Prime Minister Navin Chandra Ramgoolam’s participation in the 9th Tokyo International Conference on African Development, at which the then-Prime Minister Ishiba announced Japan’s economic region initiative for the Indian Ocean-Africa. The initiative seeks to promote Africa’s regional integration and industrial development in the Indian Ocean-Africa economic region, thereby contributing to global economic growth.

The states of the Indian Ocean are thus aligned on the relevance of collective stewardship for the Indian Ocean. We are looking into developing our port with eventual support from India. This development will undoubtedly contribute to our national development, but the expansion of our port facilities and infrastructure will also facilitate the servicing of all Indian Ocean states, Indian Ocean partners, and state entities beyond the Indian Ocean, thereby improving Indian Ocean governance. It is through the enhancement of collective capacity, bilateral and organisational, that the collective stewardship of the Indian Ocean will gain credibility.

Mauritius is committed to collective stewardship in the governance of the Indian Ocean. Since independence, we have been convinced that multilateralism is the preferred path towards the collective good. This has been our approach to recognising our territorial integrity, promoting the interests of small island developing states, and governing the Indian Ocean. We live in troubled times marked by geopolitical and existential challenges. All of us here today are different; we have different histories and will travel different pathways, yet our presence here at this conference reflects our common interest in the Indian Ocean. Its reach, whether economic, financial, or security-related, extends far beyond the shores of its littoral states. I believe that more than ever, it behoves us to work on our shared interest for our greater good, both today and tomorrow.

Author Brief Bio: H.E. Dhananjay Ramful is the Minister of Foreign Affairs, Mauritius

 

Your Excellencies, Heads of Delegations, Members of the Diplomatic Corps, and Distinguished Guests. I extend a warm welcome to all of you to the 9^th Indian Ocean Conference. As you know, this conference is organised by the India Foundation in partnership with the Government of Mauritius. It gives me great pleasure to host this important initiative.

Thank you to the Indian Foundation and its president, Dr Ram Madhav, for their support in organising this conference. The theme of the 9^th Indian Ocean Conference could not be more topical or relevant: “Collective Stewardship for Indian Ocean Governance”. Over the next two days, regional leaders, officials, and distinguished experts will discuss matters of vital importance to all their countries and, indeed, to the whole world.

We are navigating a world in turmoil. A confluence of geopolitical upheavals, threats to peace and stability, rapid technological transformation, climate change, and the erosion of diversity has posed grave challenges for humanity—challenges no previous generation has had to confront. The question is, how do we rise to meet them? Your presence in Mauritius today, despite the prevailing circumstances, is not mere symbolism; it is a concrete demonstration that, despite these uncertainties, we can still put dialogue before confrontation and collaboration before conflict.

Whilst we welcome the two-week ceasefire reached a couple of days ago, it remains fragile. We must not be lulled into complacency. We should all work together towards a peaceful and permanent resolution of the crisis. We strongly believe that this can be achieved only through dialogue and diplomatic efforts. We are all aware, as so many international experts and observers say, that the war’s impact will be long-lasting, with devastating effects on our economies. Even now, we’re feeling its impact.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I acknowledge in our midst the presence of Dr Jaishankar, the distinguished Minister of External Affairs from the Republic of India.

The 8th Indian Ocean conference, under the theme “Voyage to New Horizons of Maritime Partnerships”, was hosted by the Sultanate of Oman. His Excellency Sayyid Badr Albusaidi, the Foreign Minister of the Sultanate of Oman, was unable to attend because of the war, but we heard him, and we welcome the inspiring address that we just delivered.

And I salute the presence of leaders and high officials from across the African continent, a continent whose mighty strength is increasingly felt throughout the world. If we join together, united in a common endeavour to promote the goals of peaceful coexistence, dialogue and cooperation in these maritime and other spheres, we will be a powerful force for the good of the world in a troubled world. This would not have been possible without India’s presidency of the G20 from 2022 to 2023 and the commitment of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to advance the cause of the African continent. During India’s presidency, the African Union was admitted as a permanent member of the G20, and we thank Prime Minister Narendra Modi for this initiative.

One of the most influential naval strategists in history, the American Alfred Mahan, emphasised the strategic importance of the Indian Ocean, predicting its central role in future world geopolitics. His words proved prophetic, as he wrote, “whoever controls the Indian Ocean dominates Asia. This ocean is the key to the seven seas in the 21st century. The destiny of the world will be decided on its waters”. The extraordinary thing is that these words were written in the 19th century.

More recently, in 2010, Robert Kaplan, well known for his work on politics and foreign affairs, identified the Indian Ocean and the surrounding region as the new pivot of world politics. The region connects energy producers, manufacturing centres, and major markets across continents. Its sea lanes carry a substantial share of global trade, and its choke points are critical to the functioning of the global economy. But it is now much more than that. It is becoming a strategic system in its own right. In an era of renewed great power rivalry, such geography inevitably attracts strategic attention. For the region’s states, this critical juncture presents both opportunities and risks. We cannot allow the future shape of our maritime region to be determined solely by others.

And that must be combined with the way to which I have alluded. The risk is that individual voices will be drowned out in the strident roar of the biggest beasts. The central challenge lies in ensuring that the Indian Ocean remains an area of cooperation rather than of confrontation. But this requires a shift in approach and perspective, moving away from geographical relevance to strategic relevance, from individual positioning to regional awareness, and from passive adaptation to a policy of shaping the future of the region in which we all dwell.

Conflicts propagate through interconnected systems, affecting many non-belligerents. The situation in the Middle East illustrates what I am saying. How many countries in the Gulf area are today concerned spectators and collateral victims of the war in the region? Modern conflict is no longer conducted solely through military means; it is also shaped by narratives, framing events, justifying actions, and managing perception.

In such an environment, uncertainty itself can become an instrument of strategy. Conflicting claims, shifting justifications and inconsistent messages create a fog in which decisions are taken. The risk is not only misjudgement but also miscalculation. You have been told that we cannot plan the future based on yesterday’s assumptions, yet we have reached a stage where we doubt whether you can chart a future course of action based on today’s assumptions. History reminds us that conflicts can expand not only through deliberate design but also through misinterpretation of intent and overreaction to perceived threat. The contemporary environment is an element of that pattern. For small states in particular, our task is to navigate this landscape with discernment, resisting the pull of competing narratives while remaining anchored in principles and clarity. Within this broader context, Mauritius occupies a position that carries both opportunity and responsibility.

Situated at the crossroads of maritime routes and maintaining constructive relations across regions, Mauritius is well placed to play an important role in dialogue and cooperation within the Indian Ocean. This role doesn’t require the muscular assertion of exorbitant rights; it requires facilitation, encouraging consultation among states facing similar vulnerabilities, promoting adherence to international norms and the rule of law, and supporting initiatives that reinforce stability and cooperation.

We shall not cease to be the quiet voice of reason, the still, small voice that constantly reminds the world that another, better path is open to us, to which we shall inevitably be driven once the turbulent fever of this time abates and the goals of international peace are once again restored to their rightful place as the best flights of humanity. In a region of growing strategic importance, even modest contributions to collective understanding can have a meaningful impact.

We are facing harsh realities today, driven by structural changes in economic trade and geopolitical architecture. But these are the realities of our times; we can no more avoid them than our forebears could avoid theirs. And we must take the same time to prepare for the future.

The future of the Indian Ocean would seem more uncertain today than it did a decade ago. And I’ve said that the times demand sustained and coordinated engagement among the states of the Indian Ocean, between those states and their partners, whether state or institution, within and beyond the borders of our region. That coordination must include the small island developing states and address issues relevant to us, such as climate change, maritime domain awareness, economic integration, capacity building and sustainable development. The states of the Indian Ocean and the partners have already taken measures to coordinate their actions.

Commission de l’Océan Indien

The focus of the Portuguese declaration of 1982 is on regional solidarity in the western Indian Ocean through cooperation on projects such as ecosystem preservation, sustainable management of natural resources, maritime security, and sectors related to sustainable development.

Alongside the Indian Ocean Commission (Commission de l’Océan Indien – COI), Mauritius has also hosted the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA) since its establishment in 1997. The IORA complements the COI’s regional dimension by bringing together both the island States and the littoral States of the Indian Ocean. Through the IORA, member States embrace the entire Indian Ocean. Having the world’s powers as dialogue partners gives the Association an additional layer of influence. Our dialogue partners add another dimension to collective stewardship for Indian Ocean governance.

While stewardship and governance of the Indian Ocean are the responsibility of the Indian Ocean states, there is awareness far beyond the region, as those far-sighted have noted, foreshadowing that the Indian Ocean will be crucial to the future of the world.

The ocean is vast. Monitoring and securing the maritime domain pose a challenge, as His Excellency, the Minister of External Affairs of India, rightly pointed out. Yet we must do so if we are to ensure that the Indian Ocean remains open to free passage, which is essential to global trade. Its position and importance demand, as well as contribute to, the health of the world’s oceans. This is for the good of the states, both in the Indian Ocean and beyond it.

I’m deeply grateful that India contributes so significantly to our regional cooperation frameworks. Through the Information Fusion Centre in Gurugram, India participates with partner nations, including Mauritius, in enhancing maritime safety and security in the Indian Ocean and adjoining seas.

India is also the current chair of the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, which works towards enhancing maritime cooperation among the littoral states of the Indian Ocean, including Mauritius. It is also the anchor of the Colombo security conclave, which includes Mauritius. This is an important platform for security cooperation among Indian Ocean states. These maritime assets are complemented by aerial elements, including aircraft and helicopters, to cover a range of operations.

During the state visit to Mauritius in March of last year, Prime Minister Narendra Modi unveiled India’s expanded maritime vision, “MAHASAGAR” (Mutual Area for Holistic Advancement of Security for Growth across Regions), to the world.

MAHASAGAR builds on the previous SAGAR vision, announced again in Mauritius in 2015. It is an overarching framework that goes beyond a solely maritime security perspective to include the realms of economy, technology and environmental sustainability. All of which concerns are of immediate relevance to the Indian Ocean States and the littoral states.

MAHASAGAR was born of the philosophy of the oneness of all oceans, forming, in effect, one great ocean. Mauritius strongly supports this vision. But alongside this philosophy, there is a hard-edged reality and urgency to our immediate needs. So I’ll ask again: what is the way forward?

The way forward is to:

• First, in collective solidarity to advance peace, maritime stability and security in the Indian Ocean, guided by the three themes of freedom of navigation, maritime law and governance, and maritime security. This Indian Ocean conference offers a sure platform to make progress on these matters. Freedom of navigation is the cornerstone of international law. Maritime law and governance regulate activities on the oceans, including shipping, navigation and commerce. Maritime security primarily protects ships, boats and critical sea lanes from piracy, terrorism and environmental disasters, and has become an essential part of foreign policy. Each is a strand that weaves into our immediate reality. Altogether, they form the geopolitical tapestry in which we are embedded.
• Second, we already contribute actively to regional cooperation frameworks and to bilateral engagement towards the governance of the Indian Ocean. We can do more and we should do more, collectively, for the interests of the Indian Ocean that unites all of us.
• Third, these reflections converge on a common conclusion. The future stability of the Indian Ocean and indeed of the wider international environment cannot be left solely to the interests and ephemeral priorities of power blocs and superpowers. It will also depend on whether the states that inhabit those shores recognise their shared interests and act with the confidence that comes from cooperation and strategic clarity.

Distinguished Guests, Ladies and Gentlemen, unity and solidarity are not vain words; they are the imperatives in times of crisis and in the changing world. The ability to think and act together will prove to be the most enduring safeguard of all. Alone, we can do so little, but together we can do so much. Let us not allow the tidal currents of world-shaking events, now upending long-held competencies and assumptions, to go to waste. These lines from William Shakespeare’s play Julius Caesar capture the risks and opportunities I’ve spoken about.

 

With these words, I wish you productive and fruitful deliberations during this conference’s sessions.

Thank you.

Author Brief Bio: Dr the Hon Navinchandra RAMGOOLAM, GCSK, FRCP, is the Hon’ble Prime Minister of Mauritius.

 

It’s a privilege to share my thoughts at the 9th Indian Ocean Conference on collective stewardship for the Indian Ocean. Let me express my appreciation to the Government of the Republic of Mauritius, specifically to Prime Minister Dr Navinchandra Ramgoolam and to Foreign Minister Mr Dhananjay Ramful, to the organisers, India Foundation, and to Ram Madhav ji, who has been the driving force behind this conference for all these years.

We gather every year, at least we have for the last nine, to deliberate on the Indian Ocean, its achievements, prospects and challenges. And we do so again at a time when the turbulence in the world and in the Indian Ocean itself is at a high. This gives our conversations a particular value, and I am confident that you all share that belief. In this background, let me make five points that I hope you will reflect on during the Conference deliberations:

• The first is an obvious one; I am stating the obvious, but it is nevertheless necessary today. And it is about the importance of the Ocean. This is not just a framework in which we all exist, but an ecosystem; it is the resources on which we depend, the connectivity on which we thrive, and indeed the culture we have built over the ages. It is so fundamental that when this is disrupted, numerous aspects of life are impacted. We are seeing it today. The Indian Ocean must plan for more stormy days while hoping for more sunny ones.
• Over the last few decades, our focus has been on overcoming the artificial barriers of the colonial era. This meant deeper regional cooperation, stronger economic linkages, the rebuilding of connectivity, and the revival of traditions. Last year, we deliberated at some length on these very facets. The spirit of the monsoons must inspire us to keep working together. We must continue to advance this and not be distracted from our long-term goals. The world may be more fragmented, but we, the nations of the Indian Ocean, must seek to be more cohesive.
• Global trends are a reality that cannot be ignored. The world is more competitive, fractured and inward-looking than in the past. The benefits of globalisation are today overshadowed by the temptations to leverage and weaponise. As a result, we are all in a quest for greater resilience and are seeking more trusted partners.
• Chokepoints are now a great global anxiety. We naturally tend to think of them physically, as is the case in nearby regions. But let’s not forget that they have also been conceptualised in domains such as finance, technology, resources and even knowledge. Overcoming that control mindset is essential for the well-being of the international economy.
• And not least, there is a call for deeper cooperation amongst the nations of the Indian Ocean. In many ways, it is a Global South Ocean. Whether it is food, fuel or fertiliser shortages, responding to natural disasters, or addressing the consequences of conflicts, the answer increasingly lies in collective resilience. We in India have articulated it through our MAHASAGAR outlook and our Neighbourhood First policy.

With those five points before you, let me emphasise today that we meet in a world marked by uncertainty and rapid change. The global order is undergoing a period of profound transition, shaped by shifting power balances, ongoing conflicts, economic fragmentation, and growing contestation. Nations increasingly prioritise security and resilience. Here is the paradox the world faces: interdependence is deepening, yet competition is intensifying. Navigating this is therefore becoming tougher.

In these turbulent times, the situation in West Asia merits particular attention. All of us are deeply concerned about the conflict and would like to see an early return to normalcy. We firmly oppose the targeting of civilians, infrastructure and commercial shipping. It is essential that navigation remains safe and unimpeded. Each of us has felt the economic impact of this conflict very deeply. When energy is scarce and expensive, it has far-reaching implications for society as a whole. When trade is constricted, the effects go beyond business to livelihoods across sectors. When fertilisers are harder to procure, the consequences for food security are obvious. These are the immediate challenges as we meet here at this conference. But there are underlying issues that we also need to address, because there is no guarantee that such scenarios will not recur.

So let me turn back to the Indian Ocean that we collectively inhabit. The Ocean’s vulnerability only further highlights its centrality. We have to recognise that the pressures on the Indian Ocean are only growing. The takeaway here is the urgency with which we seek solutions, and the importance of convincing the international community of that pressing requirement. It can no longer be business as usual.

We have been discussing non-traditional challenges in our maritime space at multiple conferences. But here is the truth we cannot avoid. There is a full-blown conflict that is today deeply affecting all nations of the Indian Ocean. Moreover, there are grey zone activities that span the spectrum between the traditional and the non-traditional. We all saw and felt the consequences when shipping in the Red Sea was disrupted over the last few years. So, the bottom line is that the spectrum of challenges has become wider and more seamless, and, unfortunately, more serious. Our stewardship cannot ignore this.

No single Indian Ocean state, however capable, can alone preserve and protect the maritime space. The complex challenges demand a shared commitment. One rooted in cooperation, transparency, and, above all, respect for international law. We must view the Indian Ocean as a global commons, where not only the benefits are shared but so too other responsibilities. Our efforts must be pursued through strong institutional networks. The Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) enables real-time maritime information sharing, enhancing domain awareness and operational coordination among partner countries. Regional platforms such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI), BIMSTEC, Colombo Security Conclave, and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) all provide structured avenues for dialogue, cooperation, and capacity building.

India has consistently acted as a ‘First Responder’ in the Indian Ocean region. Whether in humanitarian crises or natural disasters, we have stepped forward with speed and reliability. Be it disaster relief operations in Sri Lanka, Madagascar, Mozambique or responding to oil spills off the coasts of Mauritius or Sri Lanka, we have been there for the region. A recent example is ‘Operation Sagarbandhu’ in Sri Lanka after the devastating Cyclone Ditwah last year. We not only undertook prompt and extensive HADR operations, but also committed a package worth USD 450 million for relief and reconstruction.

Equally important is our approach to development partnerships. India’s engagement is guided by the priorities of our partners, focused on sustainable outcomes. Let me cite some examples.

• Here in Mauritius, in addition to iconic projects like the Metro Express, we are currently working on water supply, a police academy, a forensic laboratory and archives. Just earlier today, I had the honour of joining Prime Minister Ramgoolam to dedicate a Renal Transplant Unit and hand over 90 e-buses. The recent Special Economic Package, which we have finalised, contemplates 8 significant initiatives in health, transport and infrastructure.
• In Seychelles, while partnering over the years in different domains, we have again just extended a Special Economic Package, the delivery of which Foreign Minister Barry Faure and I are working on.
• In Sri Lanka, our projects span housing, health, education, cultural centres, connectivity infrastructure and livelihood enhancement.
• In the Maldives, major ongoing projects include the flagship Greater Male Connectivity Project, several road and water sanitation projects, and airport development.
• In Madagascar, India’s assistance in agriculture and energy is today underscored by the supply of rice in very large quantities.
• Where partners such as Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan in South Asia are concerned, or Tanzania and Mozambique in Africa, our development partnerships are subjects in themselves. They encompass so many dimensions of the economy and society. And these projects have not just been transformational in themselves but have actually brought our countries and our region much closer.

Apart from this, capacity building and capability enhancement for our partners in the region are equally vital. Many countries in the region face difficulties in monitoring their vast EEZs. To support our partners, we have not only invested in dedicated training programmes but are also equipping their navies and coast guard. I also note that in Sri Lanka, we have recently set up and operationalised the Maritime Rescue and Coordination Centre. As we discuss collective stewardship, defence partnerships also come to mind. And ours in this region are rooted in cooperation, not in confrontation. Through joint exercises, whether AIKEYME, Dosti, or MILAN, we build interoperability and trust to combat threats collectively and create a safer, more prosperous Indian Ocean region.

All these efforts become meaningless without connectivity. Indeed, connectivity ties everything together. Whether it is the IMEC, the INSTC, or the IMTT, India is at the centre of these initiatives. Our approach to connectivity is clear. It must be transparent, consultative, respectful of sovereignty, and a genuine partnership.

Allow me also to share a thought on the Indian Ocean Rim Association, headquartered here in Mauritius. As the current Chair, India is committed to deepening sustainable development, capacity building and regional integration.

Among the platforms relevant to the Indian Ocean is also the Quad. India’s partners in the Quad – Australia, Japan and the United States – are all maritime nations. Our first collaboration actually started in the Indian Ocean in 2004. So let me just flag to your attention some of the Quad initiatives of relevance, including the Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness, the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network, and the Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience.

In this volatile era, the idea of collective stewardship calls for moving beyond narrow calculations and embracing the broader vision of shared responsibility. The Indian Ocean, with all its promise and challenges, offers us an opportunity to demonstrate what such cooperation can achieve. By working together, we can ensure a free, stable and prosperous Indian Ocean region. India remains fully committed to this endeavour.

Author Brief Bio: Dr S. Jaishankar is the External Affairs Minister, Government of India

 

As we set sail towards new horizons of maritime partnership, this year the war against Iran has prevented me from attending the conference in person. Since the deplorable initiation of this war on February the 28th, violence in the region has escalated. This has had a strong impact on our seas, through the disruption of transit through the Strait of Hormuz, the targeting of port infrastructure, and events such as the torpedo attack on an Iranian ship as it returned from a cooperative maritime event, the International Fleet Review in India. In the face of such instability, Oman believes that collective stewardship of our ocean offers the most promising route to peace and harmony. We hope that the ceasefire, which came into effect on Wednesday, will help to restore security, stability, and maritime freedom in the region.

Oman reiterates its commitment to working closely with its partners to uphold the law of the sea, promote constructive cooperation, and protect our ocean and the people on its shores. We must prevent the Indian Ocean from becoming a source of conflict, hostility, or zero-sum competition. For centuries, the Indian Ocean has connected our cultures, economies, and communities. Today, it carries a significant share of global trade and serves as a key channel for cooperation. Looking ahead, the Indian Ocean offers an opportunity to secure a sustainable future and elevate the prosperity of billions. We must continue to act together as stewards of this vision.

Collective stewardship requires us to reaffirm our adherence to international law, including freedom of navigation and state sovereignty, amid the growing fragmentation of the global order. Crucially, we must speak out in favour of justice when these laws are violated. Our approach must be guided by pragmatism, neutrality, and mutual respect. And it must have the future of our planet at its heart. In times of heightened violence, we often overlook the environmental impact on our oceans, including harmful contamination, explosives, and rising temperatures. This is yet another reminder that it is in our collective interest to denounce conflict.

We must also balance the potential of the blue economy with the preservation of our natural environment. The responsible use of marine resources is vital. We must engage with all stakeholders, listen openly to new ideas, and thereby map the most strategic path to sustainable development. The Indian Ocean has connected us for millennia, and it will continue to do so for many years to come. The Sovereign of Oman is grateful that, even in times of severe uncertainty, our partnership and our collective stewardship of the Indian Ocean endure. Thank you very much.

Author Brief Bio: Sayyid Badr bin Hamad bin Hamood Albusaidi is the Foreign Minister of Oman.

 

It gives me immense pleasure to invite you to the 9th edition of the Indian Ocean Conference here in Mauritius. This conference is taking place under extraordinary circumstances. There is an ongoing conflict, with an uncertain diplomatic pause, in our neighbourhood at this moment.

The conflict is limited to just three countries, but its consequences are being felt by almost all countries in the world. The economy, trade and travel have been severely affected in our region and beyond. There are many important lessons that the current situation teaches us.

• One, no conflicts are local. All conflicts will have regional and global consequences.
• Two, we have entered the age of middle powers and multipolarity, rather than unipolar or bipolar superpower geopolitics.
• Third, and most importantly, all future geopolitics will be regional.

We, the nations assembled here, belong to the Indian Ocean Region. It is the most dynamic region in the world today. The Indian Ocean Region has emerged in this century as the global power axis. 40 per cent of global bulk container traffic and 70 per cent of the world’s energy trade pass through this region. This region is home to 3 of the world’s top 5 economies. Incidentally, 3 of the 5 largest militaries are also based here.

We long prided ourselves on the peace and freedom that prevailed in our region. But sadly, today we realise that this tranquil region is turning into a volatile one. Where there is volatility, there is always room for big-power intervention and politics. There is a need to be aware of that danger.

The Indian Ocean Conference is a platform intended to catalyse regional cooperation for the peaceful management of the region. Through a series of annual foreign ministers’ conferences among the regional countries, we intend to strengthen the idea that the region’s present and future – political, economic, environmental, and security – must be managed primarily by the countries here, with support from the powers beyond where necessary. The big question is: Are we ready to shoulder the responsibility for building a peaceful, free and prosperous Indian Ocean?

Friends! We are extremely grateful to H.E. Navin Ramgoolam, the Hon’ble Prime Minister of Mauritius, and his able colleagues for hosting this conference in such a fabulous manner. The Hon’ble PM is an elder statesman and one of the most respected in the region, and his leadership is important for regional peace and stability.

H.E. Dr Jaishankar, India’s EAM, is a household name in the strategic and diplomatic world. He has been integral to this vision and initiative. We are ever grateful to him for his leadership and support.

H.E. Sayyid Badr bin Hamad al Busaidi, the foreign minister of Oman, who is playing a critical role at the moment in securing peace in West Asia and the Middle East, has also been integral to this initiative. His in-person presence is missed due to the understandable regional situation. But he is joining us virtually from Oman. We are thankful for his interest and involvement.

H.E. Vivian Balakrishnan, FM of Singapore, has also been an important leader of the initiative right from its first conference in 2016, which he hosted in Singapore. We miss him this year, but we are grateful for his support.

Last but not least, we wish to express our heartfelt appreciation to H.E. Dhananjay Ramful, the Foreign Minister of Mauritius, for the graceful conduct of the conference and for leading from the front.

Over the next two days, ministers and other senior leaders from more than 25 countries will address this conference, which is attended by more than 200 delegates from 33 countries. I welcome each of you to this most important calendar event of the year in our region. We are aware of the difficulties some of you faced in arranging travel and logistics. Some could not attend due to the prevailing situation in the region. We thank each of you for joining us at this conference despite these difficulties.

Author Brief Bio: Dr. Ram Madhav is the President of India Foundation

 

The regional war in the Persian Gulf involving Iran, Israel, and the US, which began on 28 February 2026, has caused extensive damage across Iran and to US assets in the Gulf. US military bases have been struck in almost all the Gulf countries, including Iraq, Jordan, and Türkiye. Israel has also been subjected to multiple missile and drone attacks from Iran and by Hezbollah in Lebanon.

A two-week ceasefire was announced on 8 April 2026, after which high-level talks were held between US and Iranian officials in Islamabad. The talks did not yield an outcome, but the US has now extended the truce indefinitely to allow ongoing peace negotiations. Future talks may or may not yield an outcome, but in the meantime, Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz. To reopen it, the US has imposed a blockade around the Strait to prevent ships from entering or leaving Iranian ports. As approximately 80% of Iran’s oil exports and nearly 70% of its total non-oil trade pass through the Strait of Hormuz, the blockade will significantly disrupt the Iranian economy. The US hopes to break Iran’s stranglehold on the Strait through economic pressure.

At present, there appears to be no early end to the conflict. The blockade at a single chokepoint is already causing ripple effects across the world’s major economies. The price of Brent crude oil, which had been hovering between $65 and $70 per barrel before the war, has spiked to over $100 per barrel and could reach $150 if the war is not resolved early. Currently, India, China, South Korea, Japan, and many other countries that rely on energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz are affected. Even nations not directly affected have seen energy prices rise. This underscores the importance of maritime security across the global commons and at all chokepoints.

The security environment must be viewed in the context of India’s ambitious goal to become a developed nation by 2047. The stated goal is for India’s GDP to reach USD 30-35 trillion by then, up from USD 4.2 trillion today. In real terms, this means India must maintain an annual growth rate of about 10% over the next twenty years to reach this goal. Sustaining such growth depends on further developing India’s maritime economy. Today, nearly 95% of India’s trade by volume and around 70% by value passes through maritime routes, emphasising the sector’s significance to India’s economy and competitiveness. India’s interests, hence, lie in a free and open Indian Ocean. That is why Maritime India Vision 2030 identifies 10 pivotal themes to position India as a global maritime powerhouse.

The Maritime India Vision document emphasises the development of port infrastructure, efficient logistics networks, shipbuilding and repair, and the strengthening of policy and institutional frameworks to support all stakeholders as key initiatives for achieving this goal.^[i] More importantly, a safe and secure maritime environment is essential to achieving that target.

Freedom of navigation is crucial for maritime trade, particularly in the Indian Ocean Region. Its strategic importance stems from the fact that major Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) pass through this area, which includes four critical chokepoints: the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and the Lombok Strait. Disruption at any of these locations can significantly affect global energy supplies and supply chains, as demonstrated by the current closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Today, the Indian Ocean plays a central role in global commerce. Around 100,000 ships pass through this ocean annually, carrying a third of the world’s containerised cargo. The IOR also accounts for about 20 per cent of the world’s refining capacity, mainly in the Gulf region (notably Jubail in Saudi Arabia, Jamnagar in Gujarat, and Singapore). Furthermore, the ocean supports offshore oil and gas exploration and production activities along the coasts of India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, other GCC countries, and Western Australia, representing 40 per cent of global offshore output.^[ii] In terms of energy resources, 42 per cent of global crude oil, products, and distillates move through the Indian Ocean. The IOR contains about 50 per cent of global oil reserves^[iii] and about 44 per cent of global gas reserves.^[iv] It is hence vital to secure the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and choke points to ensure the unhindered flow of maritime traffic.

Maritime threats to free and open navigation in the Indian Ocean arise from state conflict, piracy, terrorism, and illegal trafficking. The US-Israeli conflict with Iran has led to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, resulting in about 10% of the world’s container traffic being rerouted. Even the Red Sea route faces pressure, with many carriers choosing the more expensive route around the Cape of Good Hope. Besides rising costs, there are serious challenges to the predictability of energy supplies, which could potentially have a disastrous impact on global economies. India would be particularly affected.

But there is yet another danger to maritime shipping. Wars are also fought in the electromagnetic spectrum, and that has impacted shipping in and around the war zone. A cursory glance at a map showing the location of commercial ships in the Strait of Hormuz shows different clusters of ships, some even over the land! This is because, as numerous ballistic missiles are fired by the belligerents, countermeasures such as GPS jamming are employed to interfere with missile guidance systems. This has adversely impacted the AIS (Automatic Identification System) signals for civilian ships, significantly increasing the risk of collisions. Ships use AIS to identify each other and also to avoid collisions. Tankers carrying hundreds of thousands of tonnes of oil cannot come to a sudden halt or turn quickly to avoid a collision. They take time to adjust their course, significantly increasing the risk of collisions among merchant ships operating in war zones.^[v]

After years of decline, piracy saw a marked resurgence in 2025, which has continued to this day. Piracy imposes high costs on the global economy, estimated at between $7 billion and $12 billion in annual losses.^[vi] Thanks to coordinated efforts by the governments of the rim countries, piracy concerns have been significantly reduced in Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa, although they still occasionally resurface. Piracy activities typically involve hijacking tugboats and barges, as well as kidnapping crews for ransom. In response, the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) was established in 2006, with an Information Sharing Centre (ISC) in Singapore. This was the first regional government-to-government agreement aimed at fostering cooperation to combat maritime security threats in Asia. Later, in 2017, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines established the Trilateral Maritime Patrols to coordinate responses to kidnappings and robberies in the Sulu and Celebes Seas.

These initiatives have proven to be effective, and today most piracy incidents are limited to petty theft. Similarly, to tackle piracy concerns in the Horn of Africa, nineteen countries formed the Djibouti Code of Conduct—a cooperation agreement against piracy and armed robbery at sea—in 2008. In 2022, the International Maritime Organisation removed the Indian Ocean’s status as a high-risk area for piracy. Although piracy has decreased, the UN-led military response remains active today, and countries such as India and China have deployed troops to support the effort.^[vii]

In March 2024, Indian naval commandos successfully rescued all 17 crew members of the Maltese-flagged bulk cargo vessel MV Ruen after a 40-hour operation, 2600 km from Indian shores. The operation, which lasted 40 hours, was led by INS Kolkata and supported by INS Subhadra, High Altitude Long Endurance drones, P-8I maritime patrol aircraft, and naval commandos. All 35 pirates were taken into custody.^[viii] This action was significant in suppressing piracy in the Western Indian Ocean, but since then, suspected Somali pirate groups have shown the ability to operate far offshore using hijacked fishing vessels as motherships.

On 6 November 2025, pirates hijacked the Hellas Aphrodite, but the ship was rescued the following day by a Spanish warship, ESPS Victoria, under the European Union’s counter-piracy mission, ‘Operation Atalanta’. Central Somali communities are frustrated over perceived illegal fishing by foreign ships, which strips the Somali government of revenue and erodes the livelihoods of artisanal fishers. Pirate groups often claim they are ‘protecting’ their waters and making a living in an environment with limited fishing opportunities. Piracy concerns, therefore, become entangled with illegal fishing issues. There is also a growing relationship between al-Shabaab and Houthis, which adds to maritime insecurity.^[ix] An interesting aspect of the Hellas Aphrodite attack was that the crew prevented a hijacking by taking shelter in the ‘citadel’. This is a secure location within a ship, self-contained with food, water, medical supplies, sanitation, and communication, designed to accommodate the entire crew and additional personnel for three to five days. This provides friendly naval forces with the time they need to arrive and carry out a rescue operation. Such best practises need to be followed by all merchant ships.

Beyond state conflict and piracy, the IOR faces challenges related to illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, narcotics smuggling, and underwater security. IUU is a major concern. The plundering of regional stocks by large, well-equipped trawlers disrupts local economies and also serves as a front for human and drug trafficking.

Trafficking in drugs remains a major concern. The IOR is located between two regions known for drug trafficking—the Golden Crescent (Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan) to its west and the Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Laos, Thailand) to its east. This positioning makes the IOR a key hotspot for drug smuggling. Owing to the vast, largely unmonitored ocean, substantial quantities can be transported via small boats or dhows. These vessels can be transhipped at sea, making detection difficult. Nonetheless, in a remarkable operation, INS Tarkash, a frontline frigate of the Indian Navy, successfully intercepted and seized over 2500 kg of narcotics in the Western Indian Ocean on 31 March 2025.^[x] However, such maritime drug routes continue to expand, prompting new initiatives like India’s IOS (Indian Ocean Ship) SAGAR 2.0. This unique operational engagement programme enables naval personnel from friendly foreign countries to train and sail together on board an Indian naval ship.

The deployment of advanced submarine technology and unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) by major powers has elevated Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) to a top priority for regional navies. This also presents a threat to underwater cables in the IOR. The Houthis in Yemen have repeatedly threatened to cut or damage undersea cables in the Red Sea. Their persistent attacks on shipping have already made the Red Sea a high-risk area for vessels. The internet outage across West and South Asia in September 2025 was caused by the cutting of undersea cables in the Red Sea. Although this was later found to be due to accidental damage during commercial shipping, the challenge of safeguarding undersea cables remains.^[xi]

India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision document, announced by Prime Minister Modi on 12 March 2015, remains a strategic framework for securing the Indian Ocean as a free, open, peaceful, and navigable region. India has since emerged as a net security provider in the region, maintaining open sea lanes free from piracy and serving as a primary responder in most HADR (Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief) missions. India’s new MAHASAGAR (Maritime Heads for Active Security And Growth for All in the Region) initiative is an extension of SAGAR, shifting the focus from maritime security alone to economic and geopolitical concerns. But the immediate challenge India and the world face is to bring the ongoing Gulf war to a swift conclusion. That has to be the first step towards ensuring the safety and security of the Indian Ocean.

Author Brief Bio:  Maj. Gen. Dhruv C. Katoch is Editor, India Foundation Journal and Director, India Foundation.

 

References

^[i] Government of India, Press Information Bureau (Delhi), “Maritime India: From Vision 2030 to Amrit Kaal 2047,” October 26, 2025, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2182563®=3&lang=2.

^[ii] Talmiz Ahmad, “Indian Ocean Region by the Numbers: Vital Hub for Global Commerce, Strategic Chokepoints, Vast Oil Reserves,” Frontline, February 23, 2024, https://frontline.thehindu.com/world-affairs/indian-ocean-region-by-the-numbers-vital-hub-for-global-commerce-strategic-chokepoints-vast-oil-reserves/article67891133.ece.

^[iii] Worldometer. Oil – World Oil Statistics. Accessed March 19, 2026, https://www.worldometers.info/oil/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

^[iv] Worldometer, “Natural Gas Reserves by Country,” accessed March 19, 2026, https://www.worldometers.info/gas/gas-reserves-by-country/.

^[v] BBC News, “GPS jamming: The invisible battle in the Middle East,” March 10, 2026, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c3ewwlx9e1xo.

^[vi] Jadranka Bendekovic and Dora Naletina, “Piracy Influence on the Shipowners and Insurance Companies,” ResearchGate, October 2013, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324441187_Piracy_influence_on_the_shipowners_and_insurance_companies.

^[vii] Darshana M. Baruah, Nitya Labh, and Jessica Greely, “Mapping the Indian Ocean Region,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 15, 2023, https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2023/06/mapping-the-indian-ocean-region.

^[viii] News on Air, “Indian Navy Rescues 17 Crew Members of Hijacked Cargo Vessel MV Ruen; Captures 35 Pirates After 40-Hour Operation,” All India Radio, March 17, 2024, https://www.newsonair.gov.in/indian-navy-rescues-17-crew-members-of-hijacked-cargo-vessel-mv-ruen-captures-35-pirates-after-40-hour-operation/.

^[ix] Denys Reva, “As Somali Pirates Make a Comeback, Collaboration Is Key,” ISS Today, Institute for Security Studies, March 21, 2024, https://issafrica.org/iss-today/as-somali-pirates-make-a-comeback-collaboration-is-key.

^[x] Press Information Bureau, “The Indian Navy to Induct First MH-60R Seahawk Multi-Role Helicopter Squadron INAS 334 ‘Seahawks’ at INS Garuda, Kochi,” Ministry of Defence, March 3, 2024, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2117629.

^[xi] R. Vignesh, “Securing Critical Undersea Infrastructure: Challenges and Options,” MP-IDSA Issue Brief, October 7, 2025, https://www.idsa.in/issuebrief/securing-critical-undersea-infrastructure-rvignesh-151123.