A few days ago, we witnessed an unprecedented sight on Rajpath that would have been unimaginable some years ago: all ten leaders of the ASEAN nations being welcomed as Chief Guests for India’s Republic Day Parade. In fact, from the moment the leaders of all our neighbouring countries were invited to the swearing-in ceremony of Prime Minister Modi and his cabinet collagues, a clear signal was sent that India’s approach to the world around us would be one that befits its rising global stature – an innovative, confident, bold and pragmatic approach that welcomes one and all to share in India’s growth.

In last three and a half years, the Modi government has presented new approaches and charted new directions with emphasis on operationalisation and implementation. The new energy and visibility in our foreign policy has been noticed all around the world. It is reflected in India’s enhanced international standing. Samriddhi(economic interest),Suraksha(national security),Samman(dignity and honour),Samvad(greater engagement),SanskritievamSabhyata(Civilisational and cultural links) are the driving forces behind India’s global engagement today.

There is today a greater expectation of India’s role at the international level, as reflected in India emerging as a natural participant in several regional and global discourses. Our constructive approach to global issues is widely recognised, and was reflected recently, inter alia, in our entry into the Wassenar Agreement and Australia Group; our membership of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO); and the coming into force of the International Solar Alliance, a treaty-based international organisation initiated by India.

The primary driver for this change has been the nature of domestic political evolution that India experienced in 2014. For the first time in nearly 3 decades, the people of India brought to power a Central Government with a decisive majority in the lower House of Parliament. The verdict was for change and for good and effective governance. It was also a call for development reflective of growing aspirations of India’s youthful millions. The government has responded to the mandate by unveiling a range of measures and initiatives aimed at economic transformation of India. All this has conveyed a message of India as a country with a decisive and energetic leadership and a government which is committed to transformative change.

Another development, not unrelated to the first, has been the way the world has begun to look at India. In the last two years, the “India Story” has revived itself not the least because of the energy and vigour demonstrated by the government. India has emerged as the fastest growing major economy in the world even in face of difficult global economic environment. Rating agencies have upgraded India’s rankings as an investment destination and there has been a nearly 40% surge in inward FDI. There has been a remarkable jump in India’s position on the index of ease of doing business. There is a clear sense that these naturally open new opportunities that require a recalibration of our foreign policy to take advantage of these developments, and to buttress them further through proactive and energetic diplomacy.

In terms of our international outreach, there has been an unprecedented expansion of India’s diplomatic canvass, including at the highest levels, both in terms of regularity and quality of exchanges. Even as we have engaged with our traditional partners with greater warmth and frequency, the coverage of our diplomatic outreach has extended to new countries and regions. It has also extended in terms of covering countries and regions that had not received adequate attention for a long time. This includes our immediate and extended neighbourhood, West and Central Asia and the Indo-Pacific region.

Earlier in January 2018 in Davos, we heard Prime Minister Shri Narendra Modi share India’s vision of creating a shared future in an increasingly divided and fractured world. Improving connectivity and facilitating freer movement of goods, people and ideas is a crucial part of this vision. Whether it is domestic, external or regional, in the decades to come, connectivity will determine how India and indeed Asia achieves the goals of growth, employment and prosperity. There is now growing awareness that lack of physical and digital connectivity, both within India and in the larger South Asian neighbourhood and beyond, is a major constraint on both our capabilities and our competitiveness. However, these connectivity initiatives must be based on universally recognized international norms, good governance, rule of law, openness, transparency and equality, and must be pursued in a manner that respects sovereignty and territorial integrity.

In the past year there has been significant progress in infrastructure  and connectivity projects undertaken by India in our neighbour-hood. Projects in rail, road, ports, inland waterways, coastal shipping, energy and fuel transmission are being implemented with our partners in the neighbourhood to realise the vision of a modern, secure, economically prosperous and better connected South Asia. Multimodal connectivity projects underway in Bangladesh and Myanmar have the potential of closing the physical connectivity gap between South Asia and the ASEAN region, giving an impetus to our ‘Act East’ policy. We are working with international partners to further extend this into an Asia-Africa Growth Corridor, which will revitalise the centuries old linkages of trade, commerce and connectivity between the two largest continents of the world.

To the West, we saw last year the inauguration of the first phase of the Chabahar Port project, the inaugural consignment of Indian wheat being delivered to Afghanistan through Chabahar, and the establishment of the India-Afghanistan air-freight corridor. These innovative initiatives, along with our engagement with regional partners in Central Asia on the International North South Transport Corridor, will pave the way for operationalisation of the Chabahar port as an alternate, reliable and robust connectivity hub, and promote trade and transit with Afghanistan and the wider region.

With the historic launch of the South Asia Satellite, India demonstrated its commitment to sharing the benefits of its technological capabilities with its regional partners. As a first responder in emergencies and natural disasters, India’s proactive and professional response in providing humanitarian assistance and disaster relief (HADR) has underlined its readiness to stand by its friends in times of their need – be it in safe evacuation of civilians from conflict zones, rendering earthquake and flood relief in Nepal and Sri Lanka, organizing special medical camps and delivering fresh water to the Maldives, or providing humanitarian assistance for displaced persons in Bangladesh.

For a developing country like India, diplomacy must, above all, be an enabler of domestic growth. Never has this principle been more salient to the actual working of diplomacy than now. In the past three and a half years, advancement of India’s economic and commercial interests has been at the forefront of all Indian diplomatic activity. These efforts have been greatly facilitated by enunciation of domestic developmental objectives into concrete and identifiable flagship programmes by this Government. This has enabled Indian diplomacy to consciously survey the international landscape and identify the best bilateral or institutional partners that can contribute to programmes like Make in India, Skill India, Digital India, Smart Cities, Swachh Bharat, NamamiGange, AMRUT (Affordable Medicines and Reliable Implants for Treatment), etc.

Another equally important focus area for the Modi Government has been rekindling and strengthening of linkages with Indian Diaspora. As amply demonstrated by the enthusiastic participation in the first ever PIO Parliamentarians Conference in January 2018, many of these children of India have risen to positions of importance in their chosen professions, and can contribute materially to advancing India’s relationships with their host nations. Some of them are equally keen to contribute directly to India’s growth and social development through their investments, skills, experiences and talents.

The IndianGovernment has finally put Indians back at the heart of India’s foreign policy. Whether it is through increased resources and focus on protection and facilitation of the large community of Indian nationals who live and work abroad, or through transforming the public interface of the Ministry of External Affairs, the Ministry now takes pride in being the “Madadgar” Ministry. The passport offices in India and the consular departments of Missions 85 Posts abroad, the visible face of the Ministry seen by our citizens, are being transformed through the use of digital platforms and innovative use of social media. The Ministry is also placing emphasis on creating robust emergency response systems in parts of the world where there is larger concentration of Indian citizens, to protect them in times of crisis.

To sum up, a distinctive change has come about in India’s Foreign Policy since 2014. The change can be described in three words – chaal (pace), charitra (character) and chehra (face) – of India’s foreign policy. The ‘pace’ is reflected in the fact that infrastructure projects in neighboring countries taken up by India, which were stuck since very long time and where costs had overrun by 5 times, are nearing completion now because of constant monitoring at the highest level in Government. The pace has become much faster.

Charitra or character can be seen in the logo placed in every Indian embassy saying “Pardesmeipakka dost, Bhartiyadootavaas” (Indian embassy is a home away from home). The Ministry has sensitised its embassies to a great extent and has become more helpful. Its portal called ‘Madad’ enables Indians abroad to register their requests online and they are thereafter contacted by the embassy staff. Some people choose to tweet, which is also responded to. This is the new sensitivity.

Chehra, the face of India has become more influential. India’s image has been enhanced by the manner it successfully evacuated its personnel and those of other countries in conflict zones such as Iraq, Libya and Yemen. This simply reflects a revitalized India’s Foreign Policy.

(This article is a summary of the remarks made by Smt. SushmaSwaraj, Minister for External Affairs,
GoI on 30th January, 2018 at New Delhi at the workshop on India’s Foreign Policy organised by
India Foundation in partnership with the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Foreign policy, at one level is a continuum as it is transferred from one government to another. However, when Prime Minister Modi took over in 2014, he transformed this foreign policy in multiple ways. Although the issues and approaches remain the same, the transformation was clearly visible. Today, India’s foreign policy is bold, proactive, innovative and ambitious.

India’s foreign policy is bold as it has shown an uncompromising firmness on issues relating to the nation’s integrity and honour. The approach to handling India’s two neighbours is distinct from what it used to be. The firmness demonstrated in India’s handling of its relations with Pakistan is a clear indicator. Similarly, with China, whether it was the first ever visit of President Xi Jinping to New Delhi or the recent standoff at Doklam, the government has shown required firmness in conveying a strong message to our eastern neighbour. There are many such examples where firmness has been shown, when India’s interests are seen to have been affected by some of their actions. The Prime Minister’s decision not to include Maldives in his itinerary during his visit to various island nations in the Indian Ocean Region is a case in point which highlights the government’s bold and firm foreign policy approach.

Traditionally, India has been looked at as a notoriously reticent nation in international affairs, but today, it is being seen as proactive in its engagement with the international fora. For example, when countries like the United States of America had changing positions over the Paris Climate Summit, the Indian stand remained steadfast. In fact, India played a very crucial role in clinching the Paris Climate deal. Similarly, India has gone ahead and created new forums like the International Solar Alliance and has been proactive in its increased engagement with Association of South East Asian Nations (ASEAN) countries. India’s active presence in successive G-20 forums has been recognised, as has its greater engagement in Davos. All this shows the proactive nature of India’s foreign policy, which is now no longer reticent and withdrawn but distinctly proactive.

The next transformative feature of India’s foreign policy is ambition. In my view, it is for the first time that India has openly shown its ambition to rise as a global power when, during the Prime Minister’s first visit to USA, Mr Narendra Modi, along with the then US President Barack Obama, issued a joint statement in which it was mentioned that India has an ambition to rise as an influential and responsible global power. India’s rise, along with being influential, will be responsible and peaceful, and will not give anyone sleepless nights. Therefore, a responsible but an ambitious rise as a global power is one of India’s foreign policy goals.

Foreign policy cannot be romantic or driven by slogans. It must be pragmatic and it has to be blended with a nation’s national interests. We have done this with great success and effect. One important aspect of blending foreign policy with national interest is India’s policy of de-hyphenation. An emphasis on standalone and bilateral relations without being influenced by any hyphenated factor is a very unique element that has been introduced into India’s foreign policy. It began in 2014 when Prime Minister Modi visited New York to deliver his speech at the United Nations General Assembly. There was a suggestion that he should meet with Prime Minister Netanyahu of Israel. As per earlier practises, a meeting with the Israeli leadership would also have entailed a meeting with the leaders of Palestine. It was Prime Minister Modi who took the decision to end this convention, which made it possible to have a standalone meeting with the Prime Minister of Israel.

Similarly, when world leaders would visit India they would balance it with a stopover in Islamabad, regardless of the fact that such a visit to Pakistan was warranted. When President Clinton visited India for three days in March 2000, he made a brief stopover in Islamabad for five hours! Visiting both nations together had become a ritual, but now this too has been ended. Standalone visits and bilateral relationships help both countries. When Prime Minister Modi visited Israel recently, he was the first Indian Prime Minister to step on their soil, and the visit was a standalone one. In fact, the Prime Minister has also embacked on a standalone visit to Palestine in February 2018. For long, India has been a victim of hyphenation. The present government has ended this policy keeping clear national interests in mind.

India’s foreign policy is now also more innovative. Generally, India’s foreign policy was understood to rest on two important pillars – economic interest and national security. When the BJP came to power, three more pillars were added. As such, India’s foreign policy today is guided by the five pillars of ‘Panchamrit’. While the first two pillars remain economic prosperity (samridhi) and national security (suraksha), the third pillar added is ‘Samman’ or dignity and honour of India. India includes both the citizens of our nation as well as expatriate Indians. Our obligation is to ensure the security, honour, and dignity of all Indians as well as the dignity, security and honour of India. Four years since 2014, we can confidently say that thanks to the efforts of the entire foreign policy establishment, especially the Foreign Minister and the various missions, we have been able to infuse in individuals, pride in their Indian identity. Today, every Indian feels secure and proud of his Indian identity and his Indian connection. Therefore, ‘Samman’ is an important dimension.

The next pillar, ‘Samvad,’ is about greater engagement. Prime Minister Modi, other leaders and officials no longer only meet just their counterparts, but a variety of other stakeholders too. We now have engagement on multiple levels, from government to government, government to business, government to people, and government to academics, scholars and the diaspora. This wider engagement has been made a dimension of India’s foreign policy approach. At times the Prime Minister, in a single day attends twelve to fourteen engagements. Besides official engagements, meetings are held with a diverse range of people and establishments, which could be Nobel laureates, religious heads, civil society, diaspora and others.

A special attention has been given to engagement with the diaspora. This has helped us in creating fronts across the spectrum in academia and other spheres. As far as the diaspora itself is concerned, it has definitely helped us in two ways. First, the diaspora was and continues to be a divided diaspora, but the government’s efforts have helped in creating larger unity within the diaspora community. As a member of the BJP, we used to have this temptation to hold Overseas Friends of BJP events when the Prime Minister went abroad. We were however instructed, that the Prime Minister’s event will be for the entire diaspora and will not be restricted to those who support the party. This has helped in creating greater unity within the diaspora community. Through that unity, the diaspora has been able to rise as a political constituency in their respective countries. This will help India in different ways. These efforts have also helped in establishing a good and live contact between the diaspora and the main Indian territory. This neatly ties in with the fifth pillar – Sanskriti – using our cultural and civilisational links as a tool of our foreign policy.

In the past, foreign policy had shied away from using our cultural and civilisational wealth as a tool of our foreign policy, as we assumed that in order to have a secular foreign policy we cannot include culture. Under the Modi government, these have been converted into effective instruments of our foreign policy. The Japanese Prime Minister went to Varanasi and did a Ganga Aarti and the Chinese Premier participated in local festivals in Gujarat. Similarly, Prime Minister Modi visited the Pashupatinath temple in Nepal, a mosque in central Asia, a church or synagogue elsewhere and even played traditional drums in one country! This aspect of making cultural and civilisational wealth of our country an effective diplomatic tool is an important hallmark of our foreign policy. Along with Samriddhi (economic prosperity) and Suraksha (security), we have created a robust five pronged approach to India’s foreign policy.

Finally, India gave the call ‘together we grow’ in its neighbourhood. This gave confidence to our neighbours that India’s rise will help in the rise of our neighbours and vice versa. The Prime Minister gave this call in Bhutan, Nepal and Bangladesh. He spoke to the nations as sovereign equals and not as a big brother. A senior Nepalese leader recently told me (when Gujarat and Nepal were in election mode) that, “Sir, if I go to Gujarat and campaign against your Prime Minister, people will pelt stones at me, but if your Prime Minister comes to Nepal and campaigns against me, I will lose my deposit. Your Prime Minister is so influential amongst the masses in my country”. This simply reflects the confidence we have given of ‘togetherness’.

India’s foreign policy has for a long time been land based as we have traditionally been Westward looking and therefore, our interests have been linked to European and American interests. We have now introduced the policy of ocean-centric approach. Looking to the East calls for a change in our thinking as our issues are different. This change has been brought in over the last three to four years. Today, we value our relationship with ASEAN countries as much as we do our relationship with the European Union or USA. Hence, we had all the ten heads of ASEAN as guests of honour in the 2017 Republic Day Parade. This was done even though some of the countries are small and do not have much dealings with India, such as Laos and Cambodia. The change is underway. India has moved from its policy of ‘Look East’ to ‘Act East,’ because we believe that the 21st century global power no longer exists in the Pacific region but is today, in the Indian Ocean region.In conclusion, India’s emphasis on its ‘Act East’ policy has finally led to the Western world accepting the centrality and primacy of the Indian Ocean to 21st century geopolitics and for the first time, the West has started using the phrase Indo-Pacific instead of Asia Pacific. A case in point is President Trump articulating the phrase Indo-Pacific, as we have made it our foreign policy objective and priority. Today, India’s foreign policy is bold, proactive, ambitious and innovative.

(This article is a summary of the address delivered by Shri Ram Madhav, National General Secretary, BJP and Director, India Foundation on 31st January, 2017 at New Delhi at the Workshop on India’s Foreign Policy organised by India Foundation in partnership with the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

All the changes that we are seeing in the world today — the rise of China, events in the US and Middle East and India’s growing influence — are all part of a process. Hence, it is important to always keep context in mind. The present international system can be traced back to the breakup of the Soviet Union, the so-called “triumph” of the Western world followed by the rise of Asia and the growth of political Islam. These events created a flatter world, eroding traditional camps and making decision making a much harder process. Therefore, we need to ask ourselves how relevant and adequate non alignment and strategic autonomy are when India itself seeks to be a fixed point and as the world becomes truly multipolar.

For the neighbourhood we generally use the term “Neighbourhood First”. The term means we give our neighbourhood a priority, a degree of attention, care, consideration, resources and energy. None of this should be confused with optimism. This kind of attention has not been given by previous policy makers. For instance, in Bangladesh alone our commitments increased from around USD 800 million in 2011 to around USD 8 billion today. The second aspect of Neighbourhood First is regionalism. We have not always approached regionalism confidently in the past but today, we are big, secure and confident enough to develop regionalism non-reciprocally. It is in our interest that our neighbours share and grow with the prosperity of India. The third feature is the impact of China. If China is to become a global power it is only natural that it will exert its influence and it will be strongest in the region closest to China. Therefore, we should not be alarmed by the fact that China’s influence in South Asia is increasing. Instead we should focus on whether the influence is good or bad and how to respond to it. We need to work with powers with whom we have converging interests.

Our next policy angle is the shift from Look East to Act East. The two big new elements in our eastern policy are stronger emphasis on physical connectivity and security. If roadways, shipping lanes and rail lines open up towards Vietnam, the entire politics, economics and sociology of that region will change. We have for years allowed our status quo to prevail even rationalising it to somehow be good for India’s security. We often joke that the first step of “Look East” is New Delhi having to look east to other parts of India! Unfortunately, the Centre has not adequetely done this. However, this is changing and today we are actively thinking about how to promote the Northeast and make them a fulcrum of Act East policy. In fact, Bangladesh can play an important role — its infrastructure can be used to service eastern India’s economy — which is why we have put a lot of effort to modernise railways, power connectivity and waterway usage through Bangladesh. The next aspect is security. If you look at the ferment in the Islamic world, that ferment comesupto the Punjab but abruptly stops at the “wall” called India. This wall insulates the entire ferment that is coming from Nigeria all the way up to Pakistan’s Punjab. If there are today Islamic societies like Indonesia, Malaysia and Brunei that have relatively been sheltered from the disturbances of the Middle East and beyond, it is in large part because India has absorbed those pressures. For us, security cooperation, both military and intelligence cooperation, is a very important feature of our relationship with Southeast Asian countries. In fact, hosting all the ten ASEAN heads of state itself is a recog-nition of the fact that ASEAN itself is graduating into a different level of cooperation with us.

As for the West, there has been a very strong emphasis on the Gulf. Countries like UAE, Qatar and Saudi Arabia with whom our relations were good, but were not fully reflective of the interests of those countries or India’s potential. This is something that has changed. Here, the challenge for us is that it is very much a region in ferment, but a region with which we have high economic and energy dependency. Bear in mind that the remittances we receive from the Gulf is roughly the size of the services trade with America. Therefore, just looking at the quantitative aspect it should become clear of how important the Gulf is and should be. For us stability in the Gulf is very important and managing a policy with multiple pulls and pressures is of our greatest concern. When we were a smaller power we could afford to stay away from difficult regions but that option is no longer available to us.

As for Afghanistan and Pakistan, it remains a key security challenge. Looking back, people have underestimated the progress and a part of the reason is very bad handling of these countries by the previous American administration supplemented by NATO powers. The fact remains that there were serious misreadings of the situation. Yet, the reality is that people in Afghanistan welcome the change and India remains a very popular country. It is popular because our image in Afghanistan is of a developmental partner — a country that has largely listened to the Afghans and contributed to a more stable life. For us today, stabilising Afghanistan is of paramount importance. The reality today is that there isn’t an Afghan problem but an Af-Pak problem. The heart of the problem lies in Pakistan and there is more recognition of this aspect in parts of the Western world.

The rise of China has been the biggest development in our lifetime and their footprint has increased. We have to recognise that we have as a neighbour, a major influencer and with whom we have a very complex history and differences in interests but one that is also our second largest trade partner and fastest growing investor. It is however not smart analysis to be in denial of or demonise China. The rise of a global power is accompanied by the creation of new institutions. China is, in a departure from the past, suggesting itself as a model. Its viability is an open question. We traditionally thought of China as a power to our North but we must also begin to look at China’s maritime presence in the Indian Ocean.

There has been a sharper sense of maritime spaces in our foreign policy. The fact is the Indian Ocean has historically been a community, the people of the region have an interpenetrative culture, it is the largest English speaking lake in the world and much of it is democratic. There is a need to grow the Indian Ocean into something more substantive than it is today.

As for the United States, its decline has been repeatedly foretold but they continue to surprise the world with its ability to reinvent itself and find new sources of strength. In my opinion, the US is still the only global power and will remain for a certain number of years. The US derives its strength from being the greatest centre of innovation and technology. Therefore, the protection of Intellectual Property Rights has become extremely central to American policy. Moreover, the US is now conveying to its allies that its terms are different and has become more demanding. It has also become more pressing of its adversaries and this is visible in its National Security Strategy document. For a country like India, this change in American policy works fine as we have neither been an ally that has disappointed nor have we been an adversary that has offended. In fact the more America becomes bilateral, the more it will fit into India’s preferred way of dealing with them.

As for Russia, we have witnessed a reversal of roles between China and Russia. In the old days, in Eurasia, China was the swing power —  when China went towards the West it strategically damaged the Soviet Union — but today, Russia is the swing power. From our point of view, the events of the last few years have not been helpful as our interests do not dictate the kind of pressure that America is putting on Russia.

However, the India – Russia relationship remains one of the dependable factors of our foreign policy. The other power that merits mention is Japan. We have seen a big change in terms of political closeness and Japanese investments and presence going up very sharply. However, impending systemic changes are still unfolding in Japan.

Despite bilateral relations becoming more popular, we should not underestimate the power of multilateralism. The coalition of support that we saw in the International Court of Justice elections was a result of multilateralism and can easily be termed as an election of the old order versus the new order. In the foreign policy business there are two attributes that should be prized more than anything else — between people to people it is chemistry, between nation to nation it is credibility. To be a power, leaders must build the chemistry and the country must have credibility. Moreover, we should continue to be ethical and follow international norms and rules – when others think of us, these attributes must come out clearly.

(This article is a summary of the valedictory address delivered by Dr. S. Jaishankar,
former Foreign Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India on 1st February, 2018 at
New Delhi at the Workshop on India’s Foreign Policy organised by India Foundation in
partnership with Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

Soft Power and Cultural Diplomacy

Soft power is one of the key components of foreign policy in this age of mass communication, global trade and tourism. This soft power includes cultural factors, sharing the intellectual, artistic and spiritual culture of a country with the other nations of the world.

Soft power is part of what we can perhaps better call “cultural diplomacy”, using culture to create a favorable foreign policy image for a country to expand its associations and its interests. Cultural diplomacy aids in educating the people of foreign countries as to the values and heritage of a nation, and can correct negative portrayals in foreign media, academic and political presentations.

In this multicultural world today, there is a clear and pronounced clash of cultures. If a country today does not communicate and promote its own culture to the world at large, then its culture may be undermined, undervalued or lose credibility even at home. When a country loses its cultural identity, other national interests may come under threat. Cultural diplomacy has many economic, political and social benefits, but also aids in the defense and security of a nation.

Such cultural diplomacy is particularly important in the case of India that is one of the world’s oldest, most profound and diverse civilisations, with an enduring worldwide impact. India’s older civilisational connections with the many countries of Southeast Asia form a common cultural heritage that can aid in favorable relationships and sustain a common regional identity. India can benefit by such cultural alliances with its neighbors, and they can benefit by India as a cultural ally to help sustain their own national ethos from inimical outside forces.

Extending to East Asia that has adopted India’s dharmic traditions for many centuries, cultural diplomacy can aid in communication, common values and overcoming clashing national interests for a broader regional consensus. At a global level, India’s ancient culture of tolerance, diversity and peace can be a model for creating harmony between competing nations and the different clashing cultures, ancient and modern, of the entire world.

Humanity should strive to preserve the unique cultural heritages of different countries and regions, not simply reduce them to a uniform model in the global arena. This is much like the ecological need to preserve biodiversity. Cultural diversity is under threat in many areas of the world, where languages and local cultures are quickly disappearing with rapid urbanization. This is particularly true in India where many local and tribal cultures are struggling to survive.

Exporting culture, however, requires that the culture within the country is supported as well. If local cultural traditions are not maintained, there will be little of any unique culture to export to the outside. Yet cultural diplomacy also gives value and prestige to the native cultures within the country, particularly when it enables cultural leaders and groups to travel, teach and perform throughout the world.

India’s potential soft power and cultural diplomacy is reflected in its vast and unique heritage that is already influencing the world by its own intrinsic value. This is indicated by the worldwide popularity of India’s Yogic teachings and dharmic traditions that historically have been centered in India. This process should be supported in the light of cultural diplomacy.

India’s Civilisational Strength

India has a tremendous cultural and civilizational power that has maintained a profound impact on the world for thousands of years. This is most clearly represented by India’s great gurus, yogis and dharmic traditions at an inner level, along with a sophisticated intellectual, artistic and material culture outwardly.

India’s many-sided civilisation spread to Indochina and Indonesia from the start of their histories and their formative period of development. It had a profound and lasting influence on China, Japan and East Asia, becoming an integral to their own civilizational identities as part of a greater sphere of dharmic civilization. Such historical ties are of great relevance today when Asia is seeking to awaken and reclaim its identity and prestige.

Since the dawn of civilization, India has maintained regular trade contacts with Mesopotamia and the Middle East.  India’s connections with ancient Iran by language and religion are well known, with the two cultures closely intertwined at many points of time.

India’s civilisation was honored in ancient Greece and Rome on intellectual, spiritual and economic levels. Indo-European traditions that dominated ancient Europe like the Celts, Germans and Slavs had much in common with India’s older Vedic culture. India had a significant influence on Central Asia through Afghanistan, which for many centuries was part of an Indic and Buddhist cultural sphere, including the Silk Trail. India’s maritime influence along the Spice Trail brought many cultural influences through the Indo-Pacific region as well.

Such Indian civilisational influences flourished from ancient periods up to the Islamic era starting in the eighth century, when these began to decline – a decline that increased during the colonial era when the British suppressed India’s native culture and its extensive networks of trade and communication, supplanting them with its own.

Yet while India’s civilisational influence declined, it did persist. India’s science and medicine reached the Islamic world, like the Arab adaptation of India’s decimal system starting in the ninth century. From the eighteenth century, western thinkers came into contact with Hindu and Buddhist thought. One can mention such notable figures as Voltaire, Goethe, Schopenhauer, Emerson and Thoreau among those who expressed their admiration for India.

Modern Yoga and India’s Soft Power

Yet it was Swami Vivekananda’s travels to the West starting in 1893 that ignited a major resurgence of India’s cultural influences throughout the world, led by a global adaptation of Yoga-based teachings and practices. Vivekananda’s emphasis on universal consciousness and Self-realisation paralleled the work of Einstein in breaking down time and space barriers and ushering in a new unitary vision of the cosmos.

Vivekananda was also one of the primary inspirations in India’s national awakening that motivated India’s Independence Movement. His work spreading Yoga to the West was complemented by his restoring respect within the country for its own Dharmic traditions, which were dismissed as regressive under foreign rule.

The Global Yoga and Dharma Movement

The world Yoga movement continued to expand exponentially throughout the twentieth century. A major upsurge of interest in Yoga and meditation occurred in the West in the nineteen sixties, with a steady growth since. Numerous Indian gurus have traveled throughout the world teaching Yoga and meditation, with Tibetan teachers often joining them.

Today perhaps over a hundred million people throughout the world practice some form of Yoga. Though asanas remain the main focus, pranayama, mantra and meditation are often included.
Yoga training programs routinely examine traditional Yoga texts like the Yoga Sutras and Bhagavad Gita.

Many Yoga students follow gurus and lineages from India and take on Sanskrit names. Great gurus like Paramahansa Yogananda, Ramana Maharshi, Sri Aurobindo, Maharishi Mahesh Yogi, Satya Sai Baba, Sri Sri Ravi Shankar, Mata Amritananda-mayi, Sadhguru Jaggi Vasudev, and many others have become recognisable names in numerous countries. For their students, Yoga is not just a fitness system but a complete culture and way of life.

Yoga has brought with it important aspects of Indian culture including Sanskrit mantras, Hindu kirtans, Indian music and dance, pujas and yajnas, and a new orientation towards Vedic sciences. Remarkably, ancient Ayurveda has emerged as one of the cutting edge forms of mind-body medicine in the world today. The study of Sanskrit at a popular level in the world has increased rapidly.

Independent India’s Failure to Develop its Soft Power

Yet during this extraordinary spread of India’s cultural traditions through the twentieth century, the government of independent India did little to encourage or to benefit from it. Perhaps no other country in recent times has so ignored the potential value of its soft power and so much neglected the role of cultural diplomacy. Even China, whose culture the Communist Cultural Revolution not long ago tried to eradicate, is now happy to promote its traditional medicine and martial arts, along with Chinese art, dance and commerce.

India’s leftist academia has been happier denigrating the country’s older culture, than producing any deeper scholarship that worldwide friends of India can appreciate. India’s Congress Party rule showed some respect for Yoga, particularly under Indira Gandhi, but did little to actually support Yoga nationally or internationally.

New India and its New Vision of Yoga

The present BJP government is the first to truly honor India’s soft power and proudly share it. The Modi government has emphasised India’s cultural gifts to the world, and aimed to strengthen diplomatic connections, particularly with the countries of Asia most influenced by India in the past. Cultural power must form an integral part of any realistic foreign policy.

Narendra Modi’s new Yoga initiative, starting with International Yoga Day, is a welcome break from India’s prior cultural lethargy. It marks a new era, a new India that honors its millennial civilisation and strives to share it. His government is introducing Yoga training into the schools, not limiting Yoga to exercise but including Yoga philosophy and meditation. Modi’s new India is a rebirth of yogic India from its classical era of world influence.

Indian Council of Cultural Relations (ICCR) can play an important role in this new expression of soft power and cultural diplomacy. ICCR has the facilities and associations in the many countries of the world that are necessary to enable it.

It is imperative that India expands its soft power and civilisational strength, both for national unity and to gain the proper place in the world for its magnificent heritage that can benefit all humanity. India has the cultural and civilizational depth to lead the world to a new era of peace and higher consciousness, but needs the political will and the diplomatic skill in order to do so. Developing that is essential and should not be neglected. It requires a new generation of seasoned diplomats with a worldview in harmony with India’s civilizational values.

(This article is a summary of the address delivered by Dr. David Frawley, Founder & Director,
American Institute of Vedic Studies on 29th January, 2018 at the Workshop on India’s Foreign Policy organised by India Foundation in partnership with Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

With the fourth International Dharma-Dhamma Conference, which is the first to be hosted by Nalanda University, in the state of Bihar, in a sense, the twin traditions of Dharma and Dhamma have come home. They have come home to the sacred soil of this ancient land of faith, wisdom and enlightenment – the land of Lord Buddha.

In the period of Lord Buddha, well before modern states and state boundaries, the entire region of Bihar was known as Magadha. In those times, Sanskrit and Pali were the principal languages of communication. Dharma is a Sanskrit word and Dhamma is a Pali word. Their meaning is the same and they have the same root.  While travelling through the Magadha region, Lord Buddha and his disciples rested in camps that grew into monasteries. These were called viharas. It is from the word vihara, that we get the name “Bihar.”

Aside from the location, the timing of this Dharma-Dhamma Conference is very appropriate as it coincides with the 25th anniversary of the ASEAN-India Dialogue Partnership. This conference stands testimony to the abiding friendship and shared values of India and ASEAN – as well as to the spiritual heritage and knowledge that belongs to both the sub-continent and to Southeast Asia.

Dharma-Dhamma Conference is an attempt at enhancing understanding of the common roots and similarities of the diverse traditions of Dharma and Dhamma. We know them by many names, but they guide us to the same truth. They emphasise the many roads, rather than any one road, that lead us to the same desired goal. The deliberations at this conference will explore that essential truth and will also discuss and debate the role of Dharma and Dhamma in shaping ethical conduct and purposeful statecraft. These themes are universal and eternal. They have survived long periods of external challenge and of self-doubt, and have shown a remarkable resilience through human history.

Nalanda University itself is an embodiment of this spirit. The ancient university that stood here was a marvel of knowledge and wisdom. It was located in this very region of India but had an international character. It attracted students, scholars and pilgrims from all over Asia. Similarly today’s Nalanda University represents the ever-lasting Dharma-Dhamma identity. And it too is a cosmopolitan enterprise. The university’s conceptualisation, founding and growth are the result of cherished efforts by India and a host of partner countries, particularly countries from the ASEAN family.

The international delegates attending Dharma-Dhamma Conference from far-off continents, including both North and South America, represent the breadth and diversity of Asia – from Central Asia to Southeast Asia. Each of the countries and societies is unique and has special attributes. Yet, all of them are recipients, in some manner, of the Dharma-Dhamma tradition. All of them have received the message of Lord Buddha – a message that has travelled across Asia and beyond, and a message that is a binding force for all of us.

That journey of Buddhism as a pan-Asian creed and later a worldwide following began 2,500 years ago in Bihar. As such, the Dharma-Dhamma Conference is a commemoration of a great phenomenon that has its origins right here in this region.

That voyage of Buddhism to the rest of the Asian continent carried more than just the Dharma-Dhamma tradition. It carried a rich cargo of knowledge and learning, arts and crafts, meditation techniques and even martial arts. Eventually, the many roads that the determined monks and nuns – those men and women of faith – carved out came to carry both culture and commerce. They became among the earliest transcontinental trade routes.

Long before the term became popular, Buddhism was the basis for an early form of globalization, and of interconnectedness in Asia. It promoted pluralism and diversity of thought by giving space to multiple ideas and liberal expression. It emphasised morality in individual life, in human partnerships and in social and economic transactions. It urged principles of living, working and cooperating in harmony with nature and the environment. It inspired trade and business links that were honest, transparent and mutually beneficial to sister communities.

At the simplest level, the Dharma-Dhamma tradition tells us of the need and the importance for constant striving to improve oneself – to attain a higher calling and to reach a stage of enlightenment. It was the reaching of this enlightenment that led Prince Siddhartha to become Lord Buddha or for Ashoka, the warrior king, to become DhammaAshoka.

Anyone who has been touched by Lord Buddha has embraced a process of ceaseless and constant striving to become a better person, a more enlightened person and a person who has tried to rise above material ambitions and acquisitiveness. This is true for human beings, but it also applies to societies and nations. We must all appreciate the Dharma or the Dhamma of contentment.

It is estimated that more than half the world’s current population lives in regions that have been historically influenced – and in many cases continue to be influenced – by the enlightenment that Lord Buddha attained and placed as a model before humanity. This is the thread that stitches us all together. This is the vision that must inspire us in the 21stcentury. This is truly what has been described as the ”Light of Asia.”

India’s Act East Policy has to be seen in this context. It is much more than a diplomatic initiative. It is not targeted at just greater trade and investment. Of course all of those aspirations are extremely important for the prosperity and well-being of the people of India and of all our partner countries. Yet, the Act East Policy aims at sharing not merely economic opportunities  but aims at integrating the dreams and hopes of the hundreds of millions who live in India and in Southeast Asia and in other parts of Asia that are covered by the Dharma-Dhamma footprint. Our past has a common source. Inevitably, our destiny too is linked. This conference and the new Nalanda University are symbols of that spirit we share. Our economic and diplomatic endeavours must draw from the same well-spring.

For the states of India’s Northeast and east – states such as Bihar – the spiritual, cultural and trade links that were so lovingly created by the monks of Dharma and Dhamma hundreds and thousands of years ago are much more than a historical memory. They are wired into society’s DNA. They are a living reality that makes Southeast Asia a natural and irreplaceable partner in the quest for development and prosperity, for peace and pluralism, at home and across our majestic continent. And as such, for all of us here and in any area of human activity, Dharma and Dhamma are both a continuous, eternal journey and a destination.

(This article is a summary of the address delivered by Shri Ram NathKovind, President of India,
on the occasion of inauguration of the 4th International Conference on Dharma-Dhamma on the
theme ‘State and Social Order in Dharma-Dhamma Traditions’ on 11th January, 2018 at Rajgir,
Bihar organized by India Foundation in partnership with Nalanda University,
Vietnam Buddhist University and the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March-April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

India is a $ 2.5 trillion economy that is growing by 7-10% a year. It is the seventh largest economy in the world in nominal terms. It took us 60 years to become a $1 trillion economy but only seven years after, we added another $2 trillion. We are expected to become $3 trillion by 2019-2020 and $4 trillion by 2024. In terms of global wealth creation our figures are doing what continents do. The other dimension to our economy is that we are still a poor country. Our GDP per capita is $1600 and this reflects in our rankings. Interestingly, both these facts continue to exist in parallel and the irony is that both are true. Therefore, it will require a lot of time and effort to make a difference to the lives of Indians. We must also be aware while talking about the Indian economy that this is not a normal economy.

It is in this context that the government under Prime Minister Modi was elected. To understand the Prime Minister’s reforms we need to understand “shared economy” — creating prosperity and sharing it. The contours of Prime Minister Modi’s economic reforms point to a few trends. First, there is a breakout trend. It is for the first time that India has started to think big about what it wants to achieve. The Prime Minister’s Make in India, Jan DhanYojana and Smart Cities are all big and ambitious projects.

Second, this government is following a two pronged approach, a top-down along with a bottom-up approach. The bottom-up approach emphasises inclusiveness while the top-down approach emphasises policies that accelerate growth through shared prosperity. Other elements of the top-down approach include unlocking state-controlled resources such as coal, oil and gas and telecom spectrum allocation where we raised $330 billion, $40 billion and $26 billion respectively.

Third, we recognise that we cannot accelerate growth without attracting investment. The dividends of the Prime Minister’s push to attract foreign investment are visible today – we are the largest receivers of FDI having doubled from approximately $30 billion four years ago to $65 billion today. Fourth, India introduced GST to create a common tax net. This progressive tax system is destination based, multistage and on value addition. Keeping aside the teething problems, GST alone will add $250 to $500 billion in incremental GDP and 1.5% to 2% increase in GDP per year. More importantly, it will reduce production costs by 10%. In the Indian context, these are very large numbers.

Fifth, an increase in GDP will not necessarily result in shared prosperity unless we create employment. The manufacturing sector can alone absorb a million people every month into the workforce but accounts for only 16% of our GDP. Economists suggest we need to increase this to 25-30% of our GDP to add hundred million jobs over the course of the next five years. Unfortunately we have not been able to reach these goals but the government has pushed for a growth in the sector through Make in India and indigenous defence procurement. Yet, constraints like cost of capital, skilled manpower and innovation remain.

Sixth, the government has focused tremendously on the fight against corruption through demonetisation, renegotiation of tax treaties with tax havens, Black Money (Undisclosed Foreign Income and Assets) and Imposition of Tax Act 2015 and Income Declaration Schemes. Corruption is a long haul social fight but fighting corruption will contribute to the growth of our economy, as the economy pays a huge price in terms of innovation and crowds out talent due to corruption. It is estimated that 25% of India’s GDP is in the black economy. When “black money” comes back into the system it can be used for more productive purposes to boost the economy. Therefore, combating corruption will play a role in helping India’s transition from a $3 billion economy to $4 billion economy.

Seventh, one of the biggest challenges that prohibits us from becoming a globally competitive economy is that our cost of capital is very high, making it difficult for the Indian entrepreneur to become globally competitive. Therefore, reforming the banking sector is necessary to lower the cost. In the next three to four years we will be able to see the impact of the changes in the banking sector. The progress that our country has achieved in the last four years is unprecedented.

These initiatives will allow greater wealth to be created. More importantly, it will allow for shared prosperity as one cannot have islands of prosperity in a sea of poverty. Lack of shared prosperity leads to violence and Maoism. In 2011, could lead out of 250 million households, 145 million had access to banking. In rural areas out of 170 million households, 90 million had access while in urban areas out of 80 million households, 53 million had access. From 2014 to 2018, 308 million bank accounts had been opened of which 180 were in rural areas and 126 million in urban areas, which is more than what India achieved in the first 65 years of independence. Moreover, 90% of the newly opened bank accounts are being used and 232 million RuPay debit cards were issued. With opening of these accounts, benefits can be directly transferred saving the government about 57,000 crores. Unsurprisingly, the number of beneficiaries also increased from 10 crore to 65 crore people. Therefore, when India transitions into its 75th or 100th year, it will not be a small transition but will be a transition that will swing the entire GDP of the world. The question now remains that when this prosperity comes will India have the receiving systems or the architecture to allow the prosperity to be distributed? The Soviet Union is a classic example of a country that could not absorb the benefits of opening up. In conclusion, to fully understand the economic reforms over the last four years we must think of two terms — “shared prosperity” and “changing India’s economic architecture”.

( This article is a summary of the address delivered by Shri ShauryaDoval, Director,
India Foundation on 1st February, 2018 at New Delhi at the Workshop on India’s Foreign Policy
organised by India Foundation in partnership with the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)

“It was due to our Buddhist heritage and KushokBakula Rinpoche’s presence in the
country that the transition to democracy in Mongolia, unlike in other socialist countries,
was so peaceful. Rinpoche was an integral part of this great transformation”

– N. Ekhbayar, the President of Mongolian Peoples Revolutionary party and Minister of Culture

If one thinks of India’s linkages with Mongolia, one name that readily comes to mind is KushokBakula Rinpoche. He was an Arcadian lama, reluctant politician, “the Architect of Modern Ladakh” to Indians and “ElchinBagsh” to Mongolians, meaning Ambassador Teacher. He was a champion revivalist and the 19th incarnation of ArhatBakula, considered as one of the 16 direct disciples of Lord Buddha who took a vow to reincarnate in order to preserve Buddhism till the coming of Maitreya. The birth centenary of the 19thKushokBakula Rinpoche was celebrated in 2017. He was not just an Ambassador of India to Mongolia but a teacher who played a great role in reviving and restructuring Buddhism in Mongolia.

KushokBakula Rinpoche was born into Matho cadet branch of the Ladakhi royal family in 1917. He studied at the Great DrepungMonastry in Lhasa. By the age of 23, he was awarded the highest degree, and achieved one of the highest levels in Buddhist metaphysics and philosophy.

Following his education, he held many official positions during his lifetime including being a minister in Jammu and Kashmir Government, two-term Member of Parliament (LokSabha), a Member of the National Commission on Minorities and India’s Ambassador to Mongolia for a decade.

Rinpoche played a definitive role in all the responsibilities he took up. It was at the insistence of the Ladakhis that he decided to represent them in the Indian political landscape. He himself was a reluctant politician. The Forties were a time of great change for the country and Ladakhis were in a fortunate position to have a visionary leader like Rinpoche. In 1948, when tribal raiders from Pakistan attacked Jammu and Kashmir, he successfully coordinated Indian efforts to protect Ladakh. The enemy was only 13 kms away. He made a detailed case for Ladakh to remain a part of India. Though he was a Monk, he called for Ladakhis to join the Indian Army even though it was against his essence of a monk. Rinpoche even allowed the Indian troops to convert a section of his Pethub Monastery into a makeshift military hospital. When a section of people in Kashmir demanded plebiscite, Rinpoche categorically stated that Ladakh would never go to Pakistan and would remain with India. He believed that Buddhism could not have flourished in Pakistan the way it could in India.

He also planted the seeds for the demand of Union Territory (UT) status for Ladakh following frustrating stints in the Jammu and Kashmir administration where he felt that the region’s concerns were being ignored and the focus of the administration was only on the Kashmir valley. The establishment of the current Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council is a direct legacy of the initial demands he made for UT status in the 1960s.

Rinpoche also worked hard to preserve the Ladakhi identity and religion. Even though the Moravian Church was set up in Leh in 1885 by Moravian missionaries from Saxony, they managed to have barely any impact on the local population. When Rinpoche finished his education he realised the tactics of the missionaries to convert was through imparting education, therefore he strengthened the local schools in the region. He also set up a school in North India and enabled Ladakhi students to integrate with mainstream India. He was a true patriot, Indian nationalist and visionary who believed that the future of all the states in India was centred in complete integration.

He was awarded the Padma Bhushan in 1988. The late KushokBakula Rinpoche remains the most prominent Buddhist leader of Independent India. However, it was his contribution to the revival of Buddhism in Mongolia that genuinely stands out.

Rinpoche’s first contact with Mongolians was with his fellow monks at the great DrepungMonastry in the 1930s. He was aware of the situation of Monks in Mongolia and by the late 1960s when the trend amongst Tibetan Lamas living in India was to travel to the US and Europe, where Buddhism had gained popularity, he decided to journey to northern and northeastern parts of Asia where Buddhism had once flourished but was later destroyed by the Communists. He wanted to fulfill the spiritual needs of people who had been forcefully deprived of this intrinsic fulfillment.

In 1968, he started travelling to the Soviet Union, Mongolia, China and Vietnam. He was the first Buddhist Monk of his stature to do so. This lifted the spirits of Buddhists in the region. He also visited the Buryatia as well as Kalmykia. These regions had considerable Mongol and Buddhist populations. He travelled often to give sermons in private and to make contact with the Soviet Authorities. On one of his visits he began dialogues with the Soviet authorities to return the Buddhist Temple, GunzechoineiDatsan, in St. Petersburg which had been vandalized by the Red Army. Soon after this contact the first service in 50 years was held there by KushokBakula Rinpoche himself. In 1989, he also consecrated a place for the building of a temple on the outskirts of Elista. He saw the new movements of Perestroika (restructuring) and Glasnost (openness) as an opportunity to mobilize the Buddhist community in Russia and he did so along with other brave Buddhist leaders. By 1989, the Buddhist community in Russia was officially recognised.

In January 1990, he assumed his office as Ambassador of India to Mongolia. It is interesting that 1917 the year in which he was born was an year of horse and also the year in which Russian revolution had taken place. 1990, the year Rinpoche assumed office as Ambassador was also the year of the horse. There is an ancient legend in Mongolia which says it is predicted that in the 20th century Buddhism in Mongolia would come under attack, but KushokBakula Rinpoche would restore the lost glory of Buddhism in Mongolia.  And as it turns out within months after Rinpoche assumed his assignment as Ambassador in January 1990, the political situation peaked in Mongolia and by March 1990 Mongolia had become a free and democratic country.

To prepare for this paper the author read what she could on culture and history of Mongolia, read journals, saw documentaries, and spoke to key people to gain an insight on Rinpoche’s motivation and impact in Mongolia. In the process, she spoke to Shri SonamWangchukShakso who was aide to Rinpoche for over two decades. He told an interesting story. A few young men had come from the democratic forces that were agitating, to meet Rinpoche. Sonamji was worried as Rinpoche held an official position, it should not look like they were interfering in Mongolia’s internal affairs. So he told the boys to not talk about the political situation. But enthusiasm got the better of them and when they met Rinpoche they immediately asked for guidance. Rinpoche only said three things – i) never resort to violence, it was pointless; ii) remember the example of the Indian struggle for independence, iii) remember what happened in Tiananmen square in China.

He gave them jangyas, and one boy asked him for some more which later that evening Sonamji on TV saw was on the hands of all the young agitators on hunger strike. Sonamji was aware that by now everyone knew where these jangyas had come from. He thought they might have to leave Mongolia, and asked Rinpoche for guidance. Rinpoche was his calm and serene self and told him not to worry but to contact the Foreign office and relay the facts to them in order to avoid any confusion. The next morning, they woke up to very surprising news. The democratic forces and the government had negotiated through the night and had agreed on paving the way for a new Democratic Mongolia. It is also important to note here that Mongolia was the only country in transition where during its agitation not a single bullet was fired. This was owed to the people of Mongolia and to Rinpoche’s presence. After this incident, Rinpoche’s popularity soared. Every day there would be large lines of people outside the Indian Embassy waiting to meet Rinpoche and to take his blessings. Police forces had to manage the crowds and when they would walk by the embassy they would bow in reverence to Rinpoche knowing that it was his residence.

Rinpoche, without wasting a day started rebuilding Buddhism in Mongolia. He had noticed that Christian missionaries had already begun pouring into Mongolia, armed with ample funds, to convert Mongolians who had lost contact with Buddhism. He certainly was not against freedom of expression but did not accept the underhanded tactics used by Christian missionaries.

On 15 November, 1990, on the initiative of KushokBakula Rinpoche, an Assembly of Monks was held at the Gandan Monastery with nearly 200 senior monks from across Mongolia and government representatives in attendance. It was for the first time in 70 years that the Buddhist clergy were allowed to assemble in such a number. The Department of Religious Affairs which under the communist regime had been responsible for curbing religious activities in Mongolia now had a new role of working for its restoration and development. It was for the first time that monks could assemble in a free environment and discuss issues without fear of persecution. He also soon began travelling the length and breadth of the country. He took Buddhism to people in need of spiritual fulfilment who were in rural areas. He was already at an advanced age but that did not stop him from travelling in extreme climatic conditions and rugged terrains. He brought Buddhism to people and ordained monks in makeshift Ger temples. He gave sermons and blessings and observed the condition of the religion.

One of the most crucial things that KushokBakula Rinpoche noticed during his travels was the condition of the Buddhist Monasteries. After years of suppression there was no place that Monks could go to get proper training. Many Mongolian Monks at the time did not adhere to monastic regulations for a variety of reasons including the lack of monastic institutions that could house monks and provide them with daily necessities and adequate education. KushokBakula Rinpoche on the other hand often publicly pointed out the importance of upholding one’s monastic vows, which he saw as indispensable for the flourishing of Buddhism in Mongolia. So he set out to establish the PethubMonastry in Ulaanbaatar, named after his own Monastry in India. He brought qualified lamas from Sikkim and Tibet to teach at his monastery and obtained scholarships and visas for his best students to go to India.  He also recognised the spiritual needs of women. He opened the Lay Women Buddhist Organization and gave monastic ordination to women, the first ever in modern Mongolia.

In 2001, He was conferred with the ‘Polar Star’ one of the highest civilian orders in Mongolia for his role in reviving Buddhism.

However, he was not interested in culturally influencing the Mongolian monks. Rather, he was interested to equip them with the necessary tools to be able to revive and reform their own culture. He wanted them to have pride in their own identity. His initiative was not at all aimed at Indianising or Tibetanising the monks in Mongolia. He demonstrated his non-sectarian approach when he invited leaders from the Sakya Order of Buddhism to Mongolia. He was aware of the 13th century Kublai Khan connect to the Sakya Order and hoped for them to re-establish this relationship. Rinpoche was of the Gelug order. In 2009 at the invitation of Pethub Monastery the leadership of the Sakya Order was invited to lay the foundation of a new Sakya Monastery in Ulaanbaatar.

Despite his advanced age Rinpoche continued his travels and gave teachings. He retired as Ambassador in 2000 but he continued to travel to countries where he felt his teachings were required and people’s religious needs were supressed. He used to sit in hotel rooms and give teachings while one man kept a watch outside for suspicious activity and he would knock if he saw authorities. People would ask him if he was scared and he would say, as long as people wanted spiritual fulfilment he would travel where ever and whenever they needed it. He said he had nothing to fear.

When KushokBakula Rinpoche passed away in 2003, he was in India but thousands of people collected at the PethubMonastry in Ulaanbaatar. A year after his passing, a young boy was born in Ladakh and was identified by the 14th Dalai Lama as the reincarnation of ArhatKushokBakula Rinpoche in 2008.

(Rami Desai is the Director of iSTRAT CA, a company that deals in research,
communication and data management and skill development. Views expressed are personal.)

(This article is carried in the print edition of March April 2018 issue of India Foundation Journal.)