It’s a privilege to share my thoughts at the 9th Indian Ocean Conference on collective stewardship for the Indian Ocean. Let me express my appreciation to the Government of the Republic of Mauritius, specifically to Prime Minister Dr Navinchandra Ramgoolam and to Foreign Minister Mr Dhananjay Ramful, to the organisers, India Foundation, and to Ram Madhav ji, who has been the driving force behind this conference for all these years.

We gather every year, at least we have for the last nine, to deliberate on the Indian Ocean, its achievements, prospects and challenges. And we do so again at a time when the turbulence in the world and in the Indian Ocean itself is at a high. This gives our conversations a particular value, and I am confident that you all share that belief. In this background, let me make five points that I hope you will reflect on during the Conference deliberations:

• The first is an obvious one; I am stating the obvious, but it is nevertheless necessary today. And it is about the importance of the Ocean. This is not just a framework in which we all exist, but an ecosystem; it is the resources on which we depend, the connectivity on which we thrive, and indeed the culture we have built over the ages. It is so fundamental that when this is disrupted, numerous aspects of life are impacted. We are seeing it today. The Indian Ocean must plan for more stormy days while hoping for more sunny ones.
• Over the last few decades, our focus has been on overcoming the artificial barriers of the colonial era. This meant deeper regional cooperation, stronger economic linkages, the rebuilding of connectivity, and the revival of traditions. Last year, we deliberated at some length on these very facets. The spirit of the monsoons must inspire us to keep working together. We must continue to advance this and not be distracted from our long-term goals. The world may be more fragmented, but we, the nations of the Indian Ocean, must seek to be more cohesive.
• Global trends are a reality that cannot be ignored. The world is more competitive, fractured and inward-looking than in the past. The benefits of globalisation are today overshadowed by the temptations to leverage and weaponise. As a result, we are all in a quest for greater resilience and are seeking more trusted partners.
• Chokepoints are now a great global anxiety. We naturally tend to think of them physically, as is the case in nearby regions. But let’s not forget that they have also been conceptualised in domains such as finance, technology, resources and even knowledge. Overcoming that control mindset is essential for the well-being of the international economy.
• And not least, there is a call for deeper cooperation amongst the nations of the Indian Ocean. In many ways, it is a Global South Ocean. Whether it is food, fuel or fertiliser shortages, responding to natural disasters, or addressing the consequences of conflicts, the answer increasingly lies in collective resilience. We in India have articulated it through our MAHASAGAR outlook and our Neighbourhood First policy.

With those five points before you, let me emphasise today that we meet in a world marked by uncertainty and rapid change. The global order is undergoing a period of profound transition, shaped by shifting power balances, ongoing conflicts, economic fragmentation, and growing contestation. Nations increasingly prioritise security and resilience. Here is the paradox the world faces: interdependence is deepening, yet competition is intensifying. Navigating this is therefore becoming tougher.

In these turbulent times, the situation in West Asia merits particular attention. All of us are deeply concerned about the conflict and would like to see an early return to normalcy. We firmly oppose the targeting of civilians, infrastructure and commercial shipping. It is essential that navigation remains safe and unimpeded. Each of us has felt the economic impact of this conflict very deeply. When energy is scarce and expensive, it has far-reaching implications for society as a whole. When trade is constricted, the effects go beyond business to livelihoods across sectors. When fertilisers are harder to procure, the consequences for food security are obvious. These are the immediate challenges as we meet here at this conference. But there are underlying issues that we also need to address, because there is no guarantee that such scenarios will not recur.

So let me turn back to the Indian Ocean that we collectively inhabit. The Ocean’s vulnerability only further highlights its centrality. We have to recognise that the pressures on the Indian Ocean are only growing. The takeaway here is the urgency with which we seek solutions, and the importance of convincing the international community of that pressing requirement. It can no longer be business as usual.

We have been discussing non-traditional challenges in our maritime space at multiple conferences. But here is the truth we cannot avoid. There is a full-blown conflict that is today deeply affecting all nations of the Indian Ocean. Moreover, there are grey zone activities that span the spectrum between the traditional and the non-traditional. We all saw and felt the consequences when shipping in the Red Sea was disrupted over the last few years. So, the bottom line is that the spectrum of challenges has become wider and more seamless, and, unfortunately, more serious. Our stewardship cannot ignore this.

No single Indian Ocean state, however capable, can alone preserve and protect the maritime space. The complex challenges demand a shared commitment. One rooted in cooperation, transparency, and, above all, respect for international law. We must view the Indian Ocean as a global commons, where not only the benefits are shared but so too other responsibilities. Our efforts must be pursued through strong institutional networks. The Information Fusion Centre-Indian Ocean Region (IFC-IOR) enables real-time maritime information sharing, enhancing domain awareness and operational coordination among partner countries. Regional platforms such as the Indian Ocean Rim Association (IORA), the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative (IPOI), BIMSTEC, Colombo Security Conclave, and the Indian Ocean Naval Symposium (IONS) all provide structured avenues for dialogue, cooperation, and capacity building.

India has consistently acted as a ‘First Responder’ in the Indian Ocean region. Whether in humanitarian crises or natural disasters, we have stepped forward with speed and reliability. Be it disaster relief operations in Sri Lanka, Madagascar, Mozambique or responding to oil spills off the coasts of Mauritius or Sri Lanka, we have been there for the region. A recent example is ‘Operation Sagarbandhu’ in Sri Lanka after the devastating Cyclone Ditwah last year. We not only undertook prompt and extensive HADR operations, but also committed a package worth USD 450 million for relief and reconstruction.

Equally important is our approach to development partnerships. India’s engagement is guided by the priorities of our partners, focused on sustainable outcomes. Let me cite some examples.

• Here in Mauritius, in addition to iconic projects like the Metro Express, we are currently working on water supply, a police academy, a forensic laboratory and archives. Just earlier today, I had the honour of joining Prime Minister Ramgoolam to dedicate a Renal Transplant Unit and hand over 90 e-buses. The recent Special Economic Package, which we have finalised, contemplates 8 significant initiatives in health, transport and infrastructure.
• In Seychelles, while partnering over the years in different domains, we have again just extended a Special Economic Package, the delivery of which Foreign Minister Barry Faure and I are working on.
• In Sri Lanka, our projects span housing, health, education, cultural centres, connectivity infrastructure and livelihood enhancement.
• In the Maldives, major ongoing projects include the flagship Greater Male Connectivity Project, several road and water sanitation projects, and airport development.
• In Madagascar, India’s assistance in agriculture and energy is today underscored by the supply of rice in very large quantities.
• Where partners such as Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan in South Asia are concerned, or Tanzania and Mozambique in Africa, our development partnerships are subjects in themselves. They encompass so many dimensions of the economy and society. And these projects have not just been transformational in themselves but have actually brought our countries and our region much closer.

Apart from this, capacity building and capability enhancement for our partners in the region are equally vital. Many countries in the region face difficulties in monitoring their vast EEZs. To support our partners, we have not only invested in dedicated training programmes but are also equipping their navies and coast guard. I also note that in Sri Lanka, we have recently set up and operationalised the Maritime Rescue and Coordination Centre. As we discuss collective stewardship, defence partnerships also come to mind. And ours in this region are rooted in cooperation, not in confrontation. Through joint exercises, whether AIKEYME, Dosti, or MILAN, we build interoperability and trust to combat threats collectively and create a safer, more prosperous Indian Ocean region.

All these efforts become meaningless without connectivity. Indeed, connectivity ties everything together. Whether it is the IMEC, the INSTC, or the IMTT, India is at the centre of these initiatives. Our approach to connectivity is clear. It must be transparent, consultative, respectful of sovereignty, and a genuine partnership.

Allow me also to share a thought on the Indian Ocean Rim Association, headquartered here in Mauritius. As the current Chair, India is committed to deepening sustainable development, capacity building and regional integration.

Among the platforms relevant to the Indian Ocean is also the Quad. India’s partners in the Quad – Australia, Japan and the United States – are all maritime nations. Our first collaboration actually started in the Indian Ocean in 2004. So let me just flag to your attention some of the Quad initiatives of relevance, including the Partnership for Maritime Domain Awareness, the Indo-Pacific Logistics Network, and the Partnership for Cable Connectivity and Resilience.

In this volatile era, the idea of collective stewardship calls for moving beyond narrow calculations and embracing the broader vision of shared responsibility. The Indian Ocean, with all its promise and challenges, offers us an opportunity to demonstrate what such cooperation can achieve. By working together, we can ensure a free, stable and prosperous Indian Ocean region. India remains fully committed to this endeavour.

Author Brief Bio: Dr S. Jaishankar is the External Affairs Minister, Government of India

 

As we set sail towards new horizons of maritime partnership, this year the war against Iran has prevented me from attending the conference in person. Since the deplorable initiation of this war on February the 28th, violence in the region has escalated. This has had a strong impact on our seas, through the disruption of transit through the Strait of Hormuz, the targeting of port infrastructure, and events such as the torpedo attack on an Iranian ship as it returned from a cooperative maritime event, the International Fleet Review in India. In the face of such instability, Oman believes that collective stewardship of our ocean offers the most promising route to peace and harmony. We hope that the ceasefire, which came into effect on Wednesday, will help to restore security, stability, and maritime freedom in the region.

Oman reiterates its commitment to working closely with its partners to uphold the law of the sea, promote constructive cooperation, and protect our ocean and the people on its shores. We must prevent the Indian Ocean from becoming a source of conflict, hostility, or zero-sum competition. For centuries, the Indian Ocean has connected our cultures, economies, and communities. Today, it carries a significant share of global trade and serves as a key channel for cooperation. Looking ahead, the Indian Ocean offers an opportunity to secure a sustainable future and elevate the prosperity of billions. We must continue to act together as stewards of this vision.

Collective stewardship requires us to reaffirm our adherence to international law, including freedom of navigation and state sovereignty, amid the growing fragmentation of the global order. Crucially, we must speak out in favour of justice when these laws are violated. Our approach must be guided by pragmatism, neutrality, and mutual respect. And it must have the future of our planet at its heart. In times of heightened violence, we often overlook the environmental impact on our oceans, including harmful contamination, explosives, and rising temperatures. This is yet another reminder that it is in our collective interest to denounce conflict.

We must also balance the potential of the blue economy with the preservation of our natural environment. The responsible use of marine resources is vital. We must engage with all stakeholders, listen openly to new ideas, and thereby map the most strategic path to sustainable development. The Indian Ocean has connected us for millennia, and it will continue to do so for many years to come. The Sovereign of Oman is grateful that, even in times of severe uncertainty, our partnership and our collective stewardship of the Indian Ocean endure. Thank you very much.

Author Brief Bio: Sayyid Badr bin Hamad bin Hamood Albusaidi is the Foreign Minister of Oman.

 

It gives me immense pleasure to invite you to the 9th edition of the Indian Ocean Conference here in Mauritius. This conference is taking place under extraordinary circumstances. There is an ongoing conflict, with an uncertain diplomatic pause, in our neighbourhood at this moment.

The conflict is limited to just three countries, but its consequences are being felt by almost all countries in the world. The economy, trade and travel have been severely affected in our region and beyond. There are many important lessons that the current situation teaches us.

• One, no conflicts are local. All conflicts will have regional and global consequences.
• Two, we have entered the age of middle powers and multipolarity, rather than unipolar or bipolar superpower geopolitics.
• Third, and most importantly, all future geopolitics will be regional.

We, the nations assembled here, belong to the Indian Ocean Region. It is the most dynamic region in the world today. The Indian Ocean Region has emerged in this century as the global power axis. 40 per cent of global bulk container traffic and 70 per cent of the world’s energy trade pass through this region. This region is home to 3 of the world’s top 5 economies. Incidentally, 3 of the 5 largest militaries are also based here.

We long prided ourselves on the peace and freedom that prevailed in our region. But sadly, today we realise that this tranquil region is turning into a volatile one. Where there is volatility, there is always room for big-power intervention and politics. There is a need to be aware of that danger.

The Indian Ocean Conference is a platform intended to catalyse regional cooperation for the peaceful management of the region. Through a series of annual foreign ministers’ conferences among the regional countries, we intend to strengthen the idea that the region’s present and future – political, economic, environmental, and security – must be managed primarily by the countries here, with support from the powers beyond where necessary. The big question is: Are we ready to shoulder the responsibility for building a peaceful, free and prosperous Indian Ocean?

Friends! We are extremely grateful to H.E. Navin Ramgoolam, the Hon’ble Prime Minister of Mauritius, and his able colleagues for hosting this conference in such a fabulous manner. The Hon’ble PM is an elder statesman and one of the most respected in the region, and his leadership is important for regional peace and stability.

H.E. Dr Jaishankar, India’s EAM, is a household name in the strategic and diplomatic world. He has been integral to this vision and initiative. We are ever grateful to him for his leadership and support.

H.E. Sayyid Badr bin Hamad al Busaidi, the foreign minister of Oman, who is playing a critical role at the moment in securing peace in West Asia and the Middle East, has also been integral to this initiative. His in-person presence is missed due to the understandable regional situation. But he is joining us virtually from Oman. We are thankful for his interest and involvement.

H.E. Vivian Balakrishnan, FM of Singapore, has also been an important leader of the initiative right from its first conference in 2016, which he hosted in Singapore. We miss him this year, but we are grateful for his support.

Last but not least, we wish to express our heartfelt appreciation to H.E. Dhananjay Ramful, the Foreign Minister of Mauritius, for the graceful conduct of the conference and for leading from the front.

Over the next two days, ministers and other senior leaders from more than 25 countries will address this conference, which is attended by more than 200 delegates from 33 countries. I welcome each of you to this most important calendar event of the year in our region. We are aware of the difficulties some of you faced in arranging travel and logistics. Some could not attend due to the prevailing situation in the region. We thank each of you for joining us at this conference despite these difficulties.

Author Brief Bio: Dr. Ram Madhav is the President of India Foundation

 

The regional war in the Persian Gulf involving Iran, Israel, and the US, which began on 28 February 2026, has caused extensive damage across Iran and to US assets in the Gulf. US military bases have been struck in almost all the Gulf countries, including Iraq, Jordan, and Türkiye. Israel has also been subjected to multiple missile and drone attacks from Iran and by Hezbollah in Lebanon.

A two-week ceasefire was announced on 8 April 2026, after which high-level talks were held between US and Iranian officials in Islamabad. The talks did not yield an outcome, but the US has now extended the truce indefinitely to allow ongoing peace negotiations. Future talks may or may not yield an outcome, but in the meantime, Iran has closed the Strait of Hormuz. To reopen it, the US has imposed a blockade around the Strait to prevent ships from entering or leaving Iranian ports. As approximately 80% of Iran’s oil exports and nearly 70% of its total non-oil trade pass through the Strait of Hormuz, the blockade will significantly disrupt the Iranian economy. The US hopes to break Iran’s stranglehold on the Strait through economic pressure.

At present, there appears to be no early end to the conflict. The blockade at a single chokepoint is already causing ripple effects across the world’s major economies. The price of Brent crude oil, which had been hovering between $65 and $70 per barrel before the war, has spiked to over $100 per barrel and could reach $150 if the war is not resolved early. Currently, India, China, South Korea, Japan, and many other countries that rely on energy flows through the Strait of Hormuz are affected. Even nations not directly affected have seen energy prices rise. This underscores the importance of maritime security across the global commons and at all chokepoints.

The security environment must be viewed in the context of India’s ambitious goal to become a developed nation by 2047. The stated goal is for India’s GDP to reach USD 30-35 trillion by then, up from USD 4.2 trillion today. In real terms, this means India must maintain an annual growth rate of about 10% over the next twenty years to reach this goal. Sustaining such growth depends on further developing India’s maritime economy. Today, nearly 95% of India’s trade by volume and around 70% by value passes through maritime routes, emphasising the sector’s significance to India’s economy and competitiveness. India’s interests, hence, lie in a free and open Indian Ocean. That is why Maritime India Vision 2030 identifies 10 pivotal themes to position India as a global maritime powerhouse.

The Maritime India Vision document emphasises the development of port infrastructure, efficient logistics networks, shipbuilding and repair, and the strengthening of policy and institutional frameworks to support all stakeholders as key initiatives for achieving this goal.^[i] More importantly, a safe and secure maritime environment is essential to achieving that target.

Freedom of navigation is crucial for maritime trade, particularly in the Indian Ocean Region. Its strategic importance stems from the fact that major Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) pass through this area, which includes four critical chokepoints: the Strait of Hormuz, the Strait of Malacca, the Bab el-Mandeb Strait, and the Lombok Strait. Disruption at any of these locations can significantly affect global energy supplies and supply chains, as demonstrated by the current closure of the Strait of Hormuz.

Today, the Indian Ocean plays a central role in global commerce. Around 100,000 ships pass through this ocean annually, carrying a third of the world’s containerised cargo. The IOR also accounts for about 20 per cent of the world’s refining capacity, mainly in the Gulf region (notably Jubail in Saudi Arabia, Jamnagar in Gujarat, and Singapore). Furthermore, the ocean supports offshore oil and gas exploration and production activities along the coasts of India, Iran, Saudi Arabia, other GCC countries, and Western Australia, representing 40 per cent of global offshore output.^[ii] In terms of energy resources, 42 per cent of global crude oil, products, and distillates move through the Indian Ocean. The IOR contains about 50 per cent of global oil reserves^[iii] and about 44 per cent of global gas reserves.^[iv] It is hence vital to secure the Sea Lines of Communication (SLOCs) and choke points to ensure the unhindered flow of maritime traffic.

Maritime threats to free and open navigation in the Indian Ocean arise from state conflict, piracy, terrorism, and illegal trafficking. The US-Israeli conflict with Iran has led to the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, resulting in about 10% of the world’s container traffic being rerouted. Even the Red Sea route faces pressure, with many carriers choosing the more expensive route around the Cape of Good Hope. Besides rising costs, there are serious challenges to the predictability of energy supplies, which could potentially have a disastrous impact on global economies. India would be particularly affected.

But there is yet another danger to maritime shipping. Wars are also fought in the electromagnetic spectrum, and that has impacted shipping in and around the war zone. A cursory glance at a map showing the location of commercial ships in the Strait of Hormuz shows different clusters of ships, some even over the land! This is because, as numerous ballistic missiles are fired by the belligerents, countermeasures such as GPS jamming are employed to interfere with missile guidance systems. This has adversely impacted the AIS (Automatic Identification System) signals for civilian ships, significantly increasing the risk of collisions. Ships use AIS to identify each other and also to avoid collisions. Tankers carrying hundreds of thousands of tonnes of oil cannot come to a sudden halt or turn quickly to avoid a collision. They take time to adjust their course, significantly increasing the risk of collisions among merchant ships operating in war zones.^[v]

After years of decline, piracy saw a marked resurgence in 2025, which has continued to this day. Piracy imposes high costs on the global economy, estimated at between $7 billion and $12 billion in annual losses.^[vi] Thanks to coordinated efforts by the governments of the rim countries, piracy concerns have been significantly reduced in Southeast Asia and the Horn of Africa, although they still occasionally resurface. Piracy activities typically involve hijacking tugboats and barges, as well as kidnapping crews for ransom. In response, the Regional Cooperation Agreement on Combating Piracy and Armed Robbery against Ships in Asia (ReCAAP) was established in 2006, with an Information Sharing Centre (ISC) in Singapore. This was the first regional government-to-government agreement aimed at fostering cooperation to combat maritime security threats in Asia. Later, in 2017, Indonesia, Malaysia, and the Philippines established the Trilateral Maritime Patrols to coordinate responses to kidnappings and robberies in the Sulu and Celebes Seas.

These initiatives have proven to be effective, and today most piracy incidents are limited to petty theft. Similarly, to tackle piracy concerns in the Horn of Africa, nineteen countries formed the Djibouti Code of Conduct—a cooperation agreement against piracy and armed robbery at sea—in 2008. In 2022, the International Maritime Organisation removed the Indian Ocean’s status as a high-risk area for piracy. Although piracy has decreased, the UN-led military response remains active today, and countries such as India and China have deployed troops to support the effort.^[vii]

In March 2024, Indian naval commandos successfully rescued all 17 crew members of the Maltese-flagged bulk cargo vessel MV Ruen after a 40-hour operation, 2600 km from Indian shores. The operation, which lasted 40 hours, was led by INS Kolkata and supported by INS Subhadra, High Altitude Long Endurance drones, P-8I maritime patrol aircraft, and naval commandos. All 35 pirates were taken into custody.^[viii] This action was significant in suppressing piracy in the Western Indian Ocean, but since then, suspected Somali pirate groups have shown the ability to operate far offshore using hijacked fishing vessels as motherships.

On 6 November 2025, pirates hijacked the Hellas Aphrodite, but the ship was rescued the following day by a Spanish warship, ESPS Victoria, under the European Union’s counter-piracy mission, ‘Operation Atalanta’. Central Somali communities are frustrated over perceived illegal fishing by foreign ships, which strips the Somali government of revenue and erodes the livelihoods of artisanal fishers. Pirate groups often claim they are ‘protecting’ their waters and making a living in an environment with limited fishing opportunities. Piracy concerns, therefore, become entangled with illegal fishing issues. There is also a growing relationship between al-Shabaab and Houthis, which adds to maritime insecurity.^[ix] An interesting aspect of the Hellas Aphrodite attack was that the crew prevented a hijacking by taking shelter in the ‘citadel’. This is a secure location within a ship, self-contained with food, water, medical supplies, sanitation, and communication, designed to accommodate the entire crew and additional personnel for three to five days. This provides friendly naval forces with the time they need to arrive and carry out a rescue operation. Such best practises need to be followed by all merchant ships.

Beyond state conflict and piracy, the IOR faces challenges related to illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing, narcotics smuggling, and underwater security. IUU is a major concern. The plundering of regional stocks by large, well-equipped trawlers disrupts local economies and also serves as a front for human and drug trafficking.

Trafficking in drugs remains a major concern. The IOR is located between two regions known for drug trafficking—the Golden Crescent (Iran, Afghanistan, Pakistan) to its west and the Golden Triangle (Myanmar, Laos, Thailand) to its east. This positioning makes the IOR a key hotspot for drug smuggling. Owing to the vast, largely unmonitored ocean, substantial quantities can be transported via small boats or dhows. These vessels can be transhipped at sea, making detection difficult. Nonetheless, in a remarkable operation, INS Tarkash, a frontline frigate of the Indian Navy, successfully intercepted and seized over 2500 kg of narcotics in the Western Indian Ocean on 31 March 2025.^[x] However, such maritime drug routes continue to expand, prompting new initiatives like India’s IOS (Indian Ocean Ship) SAGAR 2.0. This unique operational engagement programme enables naval personnel from friendly foreign countries to train and sail together on board an Indian naval ship.

The deployment of advanced submarine technology and unmanned underwater vehicles (UUVs) by major powers has elevated Anti-Submarine Warfare (ASW) to a top priority for regional navies. This also presents a threat to underwater cables in the IOR. The Houthis in Yemen have repeatedly threatened to cut or damage undersea cables in the Red Sea. Their persistent attacks on shipping have already made the Red Sea a high-risk area for vessels. The internet outage across West and South Asia in September 2025 was caused by the cutting of undersea cables in the Red Sea. Although this was later found to be due to accidental damage during commercial shipping, the challenge of safeguarding undersea cables remains.^[xi]

India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision document, announced by Prime Minister Modi on 12 March 2015, remains a strategic framework for securing the Indian Ocean as a free, open, peaceful, and navigable region. India has since emerged as a net security provider in the region, maintaining open sea lanes free from piracy and serving as a primary responder in most HADR (Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief) missions. India’s new MAHASAGAR (Maritime Heads for Active Security And Growth for All in the Region) initiative is an extension of SAGAR, shifting the focus from maritime security alone to economic and geopolitical concerns. But the immediate challenge India and the world face is to bring the ongoing Gulf war to a swift conclusion. That has to be the first step towards ensuring the safety and security of the Indian Ocean.

Author Brief Bio:  Maj. Gen. Dhruv C. Katoch is Editor, India Foundation Journal and Director, India Foundation.

 

References

^[i] Government of India, Press Information Bureau (Delhi), “Maritime India: From Vision 2030 to Amrit Kaal 2047,” October 26, 2025, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2182563&reg=3&lang=2.

^[ii] Talmiz Ahmad, “Indian Ocean Region by the Numbers: Vital Hub for Global Commerce, Strategic Chokepoints, Vast Oil Reserves,” Frontline, February 23, 2024, https://frontline.thehindu.com/world-affairs/indian-ocean-region-by-the-numbers-vital-hub-for-global-commerce-strategic-chokepoints-vast-oil-reserves/article67891133.ece.

^[iii] Worldometer. Oil – World Oil Statistics. Accessed March 19, 2026, https://www.worldometers.info/oil/?utm_source=chatgpt.com

^[iv] Worldometer, “Natural Gas Reserves by Country,” accessed March 19, 2026, https://www.worldometers.info/gas/gas-reserves-by-country/.

^[v] BBC News, “GPS jamming: The invisible battle in the Middle East,” March 10, 2026, https://www.bbc.com/news/articles/c3ewwlx9e1xo.

^[vi] Jadranka Bendekovic and Dora Naletina, “Piracy Influence on the Shipowners and Insurance Companies,” ResearchGate, October 2013, https://www.researchgate.net/publication/324441187_Piracy_influence_on_the_shipowners_and_insurance_companies.

^[vii] Darshana M. Baruah, Nitya Labh, and Jessica Greely, “Mapping the Indian Ocean Region,” Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, June 15, 2023, https://carnegieendowment.org/research/2023/06/mapping-the-indian-ocean-region.

^[viii] News on Air, “Indian Navy Rescues 17 Crew Members of Hijacked Cargo Vessel MV Ruen; Captures 35 Pirates After 40-Hour Operation,” All India Radio, March 17, 2024, https://www.newsonair.gov.in/indian-navy-rescues-17-crew-members-of-hijacked-cargo-vessel-mv-ruen-captures-35-pirates-after-40-hour-operation/.

^[ix] Denys Reva, “As Somali Pirates Make a Comeback, Collaboration Is Key,” ISS Today, Institute for Security Studies, March 21, 2024, https://issafrica.org/iss-today/as-somali-pirates-make-a-comeback-collaboration-is-key.

^[x] Press Information Bureau, “The Indian Navy to Induct First MH-60R Seahawk Multi-Role Helicopter Squadron INAS 334 ‘Seahawks’ at INS Garuda, Kochi,” Ministry of Defence, March 3, 2024, https://www.pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=2117629.

^[xi] R. Vignesh, “Securing Critical Undersea Infrastructure: Challenges and Options,” MP-IDSA Issue Brief, October 7, 2025, https://www.idsa.in/issuebrief/securing-critical-undersea-infrastructure-rvignesh-151123.