IF-IHC Panel Discussion on New Regimes in Bangladesh and Myanmar: India’s Eastern Front at the Crossroads

India Foundation, in collaboration with India Habitat Centre, organised a panel discussion on “New Regimes in Bangladesh and Myanmar: India’s Eastern Front at the Crossroads?” at Gulmohar Hall, India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, on 18 February 2026. The session was moderated by Rami Niranjan Desai, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation and featured Shri Rajinder Khanna, Former Additional National Security Advisor of India; Professor Sreeradha Datta, Professor, Jindal School of International Affairs, O.P. Jindal Global University; Shree Gautam Mukhopadhyaya, former Ambassador of India to Syria, Afghanistan & Myanmar.

The discussion started by examining Myanmar’s internal political situation, noting that recent elections held under military control lacked legitimacy due to the exclusion of opposition parties and the coercive environment in which the elections took place. It was also mentioned that these elections were unlikely to change the reality on the ground significantly, and the resistance against the military regime remains widespread and deeply rooted in society, including by the pro-democracy groups and ethnic armed organisations that continue to challenge the regime, even with limited coordination and resources, thereby reflecting a greater demand for democratic governance and federal restructuring.

A major concern raised during the conversation was the role of external actors, especially China. It was pointed out that China has intervened strategically to protect its economic and geopolitical interests, influencing developments on the ground and complicating the conflict dynamics.  It was suggested that India should rethink its approach, engage more actively with a broader range of stakeholders in Myanmar instead of just focusing on the regime.

The discussion then turned to Bangladesh’s recent elections. It was argued that although the electoral process was relatively orderly and used modern technology, it was not inclusive due to the absence of major opposition parties; there were concerns about the legitimacy and long-term stability of the political system due to the exclusion of key opposition groups, but the voter turnout, especially among young people, was significant, showing ongoing political engagement. It was also noted that social media is becoming an influential factor in shaping political narratives, often leading to misinformation and polarisation. Despite this, Bangladesh continues to focus on economic growth and regional cooperation, expanding its diplomatic ties beyond traditional partners.

The panel also explored the implications of these events for India, emphasising that political changes in neighbouring countries can offer chances for extremist groups or foreign powers to increase their influence, making it crucial to maintain strong intelligence cooperation, effective border management, and ongoing diplomatic engagement. Although Bangladesh is trying to balance its relations with various global actors, India remains an important partner in trade, connectivity, and security.

At the end of the discussion, the panelists concluded that the ongoing political changes in Bangladesh and Myanmar present both challenges and opportunities for India. As these countries go through complex transitions, a balanced and forward-looking strategy based on cooperation, engagement, and strategic awareness will be key to ensuring regional stability and strengthening India’s eastern frontier.

 

RSS@100: Centenary Reflections by Dr David Frawley

As part of the ongoing lecture series “RSS @100: Centenary Reflections,” organised by India Foundation during the centenary year of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a special lecture was delivered by Dr. David Frawley on 16 February 2026. The series seeks to promote informed academic discussion on the history, ideology, and societal contributions of the RSS through interactions with distinguished scholars and practitioners.

David Frawley reflected on his intellectual and spiritual journey from the United States to India, explaining how his early exposure to Indian philosophy, yoga, and Vedic literature shaped his understanding of Indian civilization. He described his study of Sanskrit texts, his engagement with institutions associated with Sri Aurobindo, Ayurveda, and Hindu thought, and his interactions with several RSS leaders over the decades.

Speaking about the RSS, Frawley characterized it as a service-oriented organization dedicated to preserving and promoting India’s civilizational values. He argued that the RSS has contributed not only through social service activities but also by fostering cultural continuity, education, and intellectual engagement. According to him, the organization has played an important role in maintaining and strengthening India’s cultural identity during periods of political and social change. He also highlighted the global influence of Indian traditions such as yoga, Ayurveda, and Vedanta, noting that interest in these traditions continues to grow across different parts of the world.

Looking ahead, Frawley stressed the importance of strengthening civilizational confidence among younger generations and integrating Indian philosophical traditions more deeply into education and public discourse. He argued that India possesses intellectual and spiritual resources that can help address contemporary global challenges, including those arising from rapid technological and social change. Concluding his remarks, he expressed optimism about the future of the RSS and India’s broader civilizational resurgence, emphasizing the need to preserve traditional knowledge while engaging constructively with the modern world.

The lecture was attended by scholars, researchers, policy professionals, and members of the academic community.

 

High-Level Policy Dialogue: Electrifying Sectors, Greening Electricity

On January 29, 2026, India Foundation, in collaboration with Dalberg Advisors, hosted a “High-Level Policy Dialogue on Electrifying Sectors, Greening Electricity,” at the Leela Palace, New Delhi. Attended by over 30 representatives of industry, think tanks, and philanthropic foundations, the Policy Dialogue, underscored the need and pathways to the electrification of crucial sectors of the economy, and the combination of the goals of electrification with decarbonisation and India’s net-zero target. It featured the participation of Shri Pralhad Joshi, the Honourable Minister of New & Renewable Energy; and Consumer Affairs, Food & Public Distribution, Government of India, as the Chief Guest. Shri Ghanshyam Prasad, Chairperson, Central Electricity Authority, Government of India, joined the convening as the Guest of Honour.

The discussions commenced with outlining the goals envisaged by the Draft National Electricity Policy, 2026, viz. industrial competitiveness, affordability, and sustainability, while achieving expanded transmission networks, reliability, and increasing the reliance on renewable energy to 500 GW. The discussions underscored the distinction between states relying on hydrocarbons to fulfill their energy requirements, and states that have transitioned to electricity. While India retained the characteristics of a petro-state, it was suggested that the direction of policy to make it an electro-state is unmistakable, as revealed by its ambitious electrification agenda, encompassing terrestrial logistics, electric mobility, and the solarisation of agriculture production and processing.

Despite clear direction in policy towards electrification and decarbonisation, challenges abound. The policy thrust towards renewables has not translated into quicker decarbonisation and capacity generation of renewables, in stark contrast to the Chinese experience. Not only has the consumption of hydrocarbons increased; but shifting to renewable energy sources has not been accompanied by efficiencies and affordability. The micro-,small-, and medium-scale enterprises continue to rely on traditional sources of energy, and renewables have not tapped India’s rural economy. Although the exposure to climate assets has ballooned, transitions have increased the debt of the utility. Long approval windows and poor inter-state coordination have hampered electricity transmission and modernisation projects. The gap between the transmission and generation of electricity owes to the paucity of demand.

However, the discussants noted with optimism that India has been continuously outperforming on its energy transition targets. Optimising its vast solar potential, over 132 GW of installed capacity is being followed by 80 GW, which is currently in the pipeline. By 2030, India foresees an investment of USD 350 billion in the electrification of its sectors and energy transition. 5,00,000 sq/km oft transmission lines have already been set up, though the state transmission and reliability of discoms need to be improved. India has taken significant steps towards grid stabilisation and integration, allowing load-sharing. Investments worth INR 90,000 crores in green corridors will help achieve the concerns of a sustainable transition. The proliferation of data centres and electric mobility will push the demand for power near an 8-9% CAGR, which will inevitably impel robust and dynamic plans for achieving adequacy.

The event ended on a note of cautious optimism, emphasising that, at the current stage of development, stability of grids and achieving a balance between electrical and hydrocarbon-led energy is paramount. Dynamism in approach and implementation needs to be coupled with a more comprehensive participation of states in grid stabilisation and its sustainable transition. Building access, affordability, and adaptability, alongside boosting capabilities in grid storage and hydro-power potential will ensure a just, timely, and economically and environmentally sustainable transition.

 

RSS @100: Centenary Reflections

As part of the centenary year of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), India Foundation launched the lecture series “RSS @100: Centenary Reflections” to facilitate academic discussions on the organisation’s hundred-year journey.

The series aims to encourage informed reflection on the historical, ideological, and societal dimensions of the RSS by bringing together scholars, researchers, and practitioners who have either been associated with the organisation or have studied it extensively.

The inaugural lecture was held on 29 January 2026 at the India Foundation office. The session featured Mr. Walter Anderson, renowned author and scholar, whose work on the RSS is widely recognised for its depth and academic rigor. During the discussion, Mr. Anderson shared insights from his long-standing research on the organization. The lecture provided participants with an opportunity to engage with the historical trajectory of the RSS and discuss its continued relevance in contemporary India.

Walter Anderson reflected on his long academic engagement with the RSS, which began in the late 1960s while researching the organisation for his dissertation. He noted that many scholars at the time underestimated the future growth of the RSS, whereas his mentors believed it would become an influential institution. Drawing from his interactions with senior RSS leaders such as Eknath Ranade, M.S. Golwalkar, and later Mohan Bhagwat, Anderson argued that the RSS should be understood not merely as a political organisation but as a social institution that has focused on building networks, community spaces, and organisational discipline. He identified three key elements that shaped the RSS: a strong organisational structure, a shared ideological commitment often expressed through patriotism, and a dedicated cadre of full-time workers who sustain its activities.

Anderson highlighted the concept of the shakha as a social space where individuals from different backgrounds can interact and develop a sense of community. He observed that RSS leaders, particularly Golwalkar and Balasaheb Deoras, recognised social challenges such as caste divisions and sought to address them through organisational practices. He noted Deoras’ efforts to expand the organisation’s social outreach and his emphasis on issues such as untouchability and social inclusion. Anderson also discussed the RSS’s attempts to broaden its engagement with different sections of society, including rural communities, while acknowledging that outreach to Muslims and Christians remains a challenge.

Reflecting on the RSS at its centenary, Anderson argued that the organisation has evolved significantly from a small group founded in 1925 into one of the world’s largest voluntary organisations with influence across education, labour, social service, and politics. He noted that while the RSS has become more visible and politically influential, it continues to function through internal consultation and debate rather than strict top-down decision-making.

The session witnessed the participation of scholars, researchers, and members of the policy and academic community.

 

10th Katha Session “Ghosts of Thailand”

10th Katha Session of India Foundation was held on 29 January 2026 on the theme “Ghosts of Thailand.”

The session was chaired by Mr. Côme Carpentier, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation. The speaker for the session was Mr. Putt Punyagupta, a Thai Nehru-Fulbright Scholar currently spending a year in India.

During the session, Mr. Punyagupta introduced participants to Thailand’s rich traditions of folklore, ghost stories, and supernatural beliefs. He discussed the cultural significance of ghosts in Thai society and explained how these narratives continue to influence local customs, religious practices, and popular culture. The presentation also explored the relationship between traditional beliefs and Buddhism in shaping Thai cultural life.

Mr. Punyagupta also shared insights from his academic and cultural experiences, bringing a unique perspective to the discussion.

 

Virtual Roundtable Discussion on “Sovereign AI and the US-India Strategic Partnership”

On January 29, 2026, India Foundation and the Hudson Institute co-hosted a closed-door virtual roundtable discussion on “Sovereign AI and the US-India Strategic Partnership.”

The distinguished speakers were Shri Jayant Sinha, Former Minister of State for Civil Aviation and Finance, Government of India; Mr. Pablo Chavez, Adjunct Senior Fellow with CNAS’s Technology and National Security Program and former Vice President of Google Cloud’s global public policy; and Shri Sujeet Kumar, Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha). The discussion was held under the Chatham House Rule and was attended by 25 participants.

 

IF-IHC Book Discussion on ‘After Me, Chaos: Astrology in the Mughal Empire’

India Foundation, in collaboration with India Habitat Centre, organised a book discussion on the book After Me, Chaos: Astrology in the Mughal Empire by Shri M. J. Akbar, Author & Former Union Minister, Government of India, at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi, on 21st January 2026. The session was moderated by Captain Alok Bansal, Executive Vice President, India Foundation. The panel featured Shri Sudhanshu Trivedi, Member of Parliament (Rajya Sabha); Ms. Shazia Ilmi, National Spokesperson, Bharatiya Janata Party; and Mr. Come Carpentier, Distinguished Fellow, India Foundation. The discussion examined the intersections of science, governance, and civilisational knowledge in Mughal India, with a focus on reassessing historical narratives surrounding astrology and statecraft.

The panel deliberated on the commonly held perception that astrology and Mughal governance were incompatible and highlighted how astrological knowledge was institutionally embedded within imperial administration. Drawing on primary sources such as the Ain-i-Akbari, Baburnama, Humayunama, Akbarnama, and Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, speakers noted that astrology informed key decisions, including coronations, military campaigns, succession planning, and court rituals. Extensive astrological references in Mughal chronicles were cited as evidence of its formal role in governance.

A key focus of the discussion was the transmission of Indian astronomical knowledge—particularly Aryabhata-based methods—into Mughal administrative practice. The panelists highlighted the establishment of formal positions such as Jyotishraj and the inclusion of Sanskrit-trained scholars, underscoring a synthesis of Indic, Persian, and Islamic intellectual traditions rather than rigid religious compartmentalisation.

The discussion also addressed how colonial and ideological historiography selectively marginalised astrology in Mughal narratives despite its prominence in original sources. Beyond administrative use, astrology was discussed as a philosophical framework that encouraged humility, detachment, and an understanding of natural order within governance. The session concluded with a consensus that After Me, Chaos restores nuance and complexity to India’s historical understanding and reinforces the idea of knowledge as a shared civilisational inheritance shaped by continuity, assimilation, and intellectual exchange.

 

KUMBH – Global Summit 2025 – ON DEVELOPMENT AND SUSTAINABILITY

KUMBH – Global Summit 2025 – ON DEVELOPMENT AND SUSTAINABILITY

IF-IHC PANEL DISCUSSION ON INDIA’S SUCCESS IN CURBING LEFT – WING EXTREMISM

India Foundation, in collaboration with India Habitat Centre, organised a panel discussion on ‘India’s Success in Curbing Left-Wing Extremism’ at the India Habitat Centre, New Delhi on 6th January 2026. The panel featured Shri Rajiv Gauba, Former Cabinet Secretary, Government of India and Member, NITI Aayog; Shri Pankaj Kumar Singh, Former Deputy National Security Advisor of India; and Shri Shekhar Gupta, Editor-in-Chief, The Print. The discussion was moderated by Shri Alok Bansal, Executive Vice President, India Foundation.

The panel deliberated on India’s multi-pronged approach to tackling Left-Wing Extremism, highlighting improvements in security operations, governance outreach, development interventions, and the importance of winning public trust in affected regions. The discussion offered valuable insights into the evolution of the LWE threat and the strategies that have significantly weakened it in recent years.

The panelists traced the origins of Left-Wing Extremism to the late 1960s and highlighted how governance gaps, socio-economic deprivation, and ideological mobilisation allowed Maoist groups to expand across large parts of central and eastern India. Drawing on first-hand administrative and operational experience, they recalled the gravity of the situation during the early 2000s, when large areas were effectively outside state control, marked by frequent attacks on security forces, civilian casualties, and systematic destruction of infrastructure.

A key focus of the discussion was the decisive shift after 2014-15, when the government adopted a comprehensive national policy and action plan. The panelists emphasised the effectiveness of a “whole-of-government” approach that combined robust security measures with focused development interventions. Expansion of road and telecom connectivity, establishment of forward security camps, welfare delivery through flagship schemes, implementation of forest rights, and strengthening of state police capacities were identified as crucial elements in reversing Maoist influence.

The panelists also underscored the importance of improved intelligence gathering, inter-state coordination, deployment of specialised forces, and sustained action against the financial and urban support networks of extremist groups. These efforts, they noted, have led to a sharp decline in violence, casualties, and the number of affected districts. The discussion concluded with a consensus that while the security gains are substantial, lasting peace will depend on sustained governance reforms, protection of tribal rights, accountability of institutions, and continued vigilance to prevent the resurgence of extremist ideologies.

 

From Strategic Depth to Strategic Nightmare: The Collapse of Pakistan-Afghanistan Relations

In the last quarter of 2025, Afghanistan’s Taliban regime performed a political backflip and raced to repair and strengthen strategic and economic ties with India. By far the most striking overture came from Industry and Commerce Minister Nooruddin Azizi, who urged the Afghan Hindu and Sikh community, which had fled to India, to return, stating that the country needed their skills, particularly in healthcare and trade.[1] Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi, the first high-ranking official to visit India in October 2025, met senior Sikh and Hindu community members and assured them of their safety and the rebuilding of their places of worship. It may be recalled that after a deadly attack on a gurdwara in 2022, the Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee in Delhi had urged the Government of India to evacuate the remaining Sikh families from Afghanistan.

New Delhi opened a new chapter in the old ‘Great Game’ on 9 October 2025, recognising the Taliban regime in a masterly act of realpolitik and inviting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi to visit India. Muttaqi secured a temporary exemption from UN sanctions and arrived directly from Russia, the only country to have fully recognised the regime to date. Thus, Russia, China and India are friendly towards Afghanistan, while Pakistan is inimical. The United States, having ousted Prime Minister Imran Khan, needs Pakistan to help it secure the Bagram airbase again, which it needs to exert pressure on the Iranian regime.

Muttaqi met Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov in Moscow on 7 October. Before departing for New Delhi, Lavrov emphasised, “The military presence of any extra-regional players could only lead to destabilisation and new conflicts.” The Bagram Air Base was built by the Soviet Union during its presence in Afghanistan from 1979 to 1989, and Russia has de facto control over it. [2] Journalist Natiq Malikzada observes that America needs the airbase because it overlooks China’s western Xinjiang region and its nuclear programme at Lop Nur.[3] It would strengthen America’s position vis-à-vis China, Iran, Russia, and Central and South Asia.

Strategically, Afghanistan lies at the intersection of several non-Western connectivity projects: China’s Belt and Road Initiative, Russia’s “Greater Eurasian Partnership” linked to the Eurasian Economic Union, and north-south routes linking the Caspian Sea to the Indian Ocean. Beijing has been working on a Kabul-Islamabad channel to expand the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). By formally recognising the Taliban, Russia secured a foothold in Central Asia’s transport redesign. In fact, the geopolitical interests of Russia, India, and China align in Afghanistan and across the broader Central Asia.

By befriending the Taliban regime, India offset Islamabad’s ties with Dhaka. It signalled to Washington that, following the erasure of its legacy in Bangladesh and Nepal and the return of Pakistan to Dhaka, India would pursue its strategic interests in the region. India has recovered ground in Sri Lanka.

US President Donald Trump’s enthusiastic embrace of Pakistan’s army chief, General Asim Munir, who has already visited the White House three times, came as a shock to New Delhi. Washington is offering Rawalpindi air-to-air missiles for F-16 fighter jets and other equipment, and Pakistan has invited the US to build and operate a new seaport near Iran’s Gwadar, on the same Makran coast. India, however, is being subjected to punitive visa norms, 50 per cent tariffs, and pressure to repudiate the purchase of Russian oil, among other measures.

During Muttaqi’s meeting with Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar, India upgraded its “Technical Mission” in Kabul to an Embassy (October 10, 2025) and allowed the regime to take charge of the Afghan embassy in New Delhi. Unsurprisingly, Pakistan launched airstrikes on Kabul while the delegation was in New Delhi.[4] However, by October 12, 2025, Afghan forces retaliated with airstrikes on Lahore, using US Super Tucano jets left behind during the American exodus. Afghans attacked 27 locations along the border, including Paktia, Khost, Jalalabad, Helmand, Kunar, and the Durand Line, and claimed to have killed 58 Pakistani soldiers (Pakistan admitted 23 dead). Saudi Arabia urged restraint but declined Islamabad’s request to join the hostilities, clarifying that the new defence pact between the two nations was limited to operations against the Houthis of Yemen.

Muttaqi asserted, “Afghanistan will safeguard its borders and its national interest… We achieved our military objectives last night, and our friends, Qatar and Saudi Arabia, have expressed that this conflict should come to an end, so we have paused it from our side for the time being…” He denied that Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) cadres are present in Afghanistan. Despite agreeing to extend the 48-hour ceasefire, the Taliban claimed that Islamabad carried out airstrikes along the Durand Line, killing eight citizens, including three Afghan cricketers, in the Urgun and Bermal districts.

During a second high-level visit to New Delhi on 20 November 2025, Afghanistan’s Commerce and Industries Minister Alhaj Nooruddin Azizi announced that Kabul had halted all transit trade through Karachi and was shifting its global access to the India-backed Chabahar route.[5] Leading a business delegation at the PHD Chamber of Commerce and Industry (PHDCCI), he urged the Indian private sector to invest in the route to make it viable and competitive. Addressing the Associated Chambers of Commerce and Industry of India (ASSOCHAM), Azizi offered the country’s long-idle mines to India for exploration, particularly the gold mines.[6] New Delhi has expressed interest in the mining sector.

A joint study by the Pentagon and the US Geological Survey found that Afghanistan has nearly USD 1 trillion in untapped mineral resources, including copper, gold, iron ore, chromite, barite, coal, lead, natural gas, petroleum, precious and semi-precious stones, salt, sulphur, lithium, talc, and zinc, across more than 1,400 sites. The gemstones include high-quality emeralds, lapis lazuli, red garnet, and ruby. These deposits were surveyed decades ago but never developed.

Accusing Pakistan of blocking trade routes for political purposes, Afghanistan’s Deputy Prime Minister for Economic Affairs, Mullah Abdul Ghani Baradar, advised Afghan traders to reduce trade with Pakistan and conclude all deals with pharmaceutical firms within three months. Afghanistan’s leading pharmaceutical company, Raoufi Global Group, and Zydus Lifesciences Limited of India signed a USD 100 million memorandum of understanding in Dubai on 27 November 2025.[7] Zydus Life Sciences will export medicines to Afghanistan and help transfer technical know-how for domestic drug production.

Afghanistan has also stopped exporting tomatoes and other vegetables to Pakistan and redirected vegetable and fruit sales to Russia, Uzbekistan, and other countries. Once the largest buyer of Pakistani rice, Afghanistan will now purchase rice from India.

These diplomatic moves have neutralised Pakistan’s strategy of keeping the Taliban hostile to India. Under the Karzai and Ghani regimes, India built dams, power lines, roads, schools, and even the Parliament building as goodwill gestures to the Afghan people. The Taliban, however, aligned with Pakistan and bombed the Indian embassy in Kabul (July 2008), kidnapped Indian engineers (2019), and allowed ISI-backed terror groups to operate camps on its soil.

Under Prime Minister Narendra Modi, India completed all existing projects and provided food and medicines as needed. In 2021, India quietly reopened its embassy to facilitate the shipment of wheat to the country. In his meeting with S. Jaishankar on 10 October 2025, Muttaqi recalled, “Over the past four years, and particularly during the earthquakes, India was the first country to respond. Afghanistan looks at India as a close friend. We want a relationship based on mutual respect and people-to-people ties.” In the joint statement issued at the end of his visit, Muttaqi condemned the terrorist attacks on Pahalgam in Kashmir; both sides reaffirmed support for each other’s territorial integrity.

Professor Mohammad Ayoob of Michigan State University, US, notes that although Pakistan created the Taliban movement in the 1990s, supported its war with the US-backed regime in Kabul, and expected the Taliban’s 2021 takeover of Afghanistan to provide it with strategic depth, the recent clashes along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border showed that the Taliban had turned against its mentors.[8] On deeper reflection, the amicable relations between Afghanistan and Pakistan were “an aberration”, and Kabul had opposed Pakistan’s membership in the UN because of the Durand Line, which divides the Pashtun homelands.

Jaishankar symbolically gifted five ambulances to his Afghan counterpart as part of a larger gift of 20 ambulances and other medical equipment to support the Afghan people. These include MRI and CT scanners, vaccines for immunisation, and cancer medicines. Six new health projects will be finalised later, and drug rehabilitation materials will be provided through the UN Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC).

India has promised to help reconstruct homes destroyed in the Kunar and Nangarhar earthquakes, as well as residences for forcibly repatriated Afghan refugees (from Pakistan), and to support the rebuilding of their livelihoods. India has pledged to maintain and complete existing projects in Afghanistan and to discuss new development priorities identified by Afghan authorities. The two nations will collaborate on water management and irrigation projects.

The India-Afghanistan Air Freight Corridor will support increased trade and commerce between the two countries. India has increased scholarships and university places for Afghan students and offered to support Afghan cricket and other sports. The new visa module (since April 2025) will issue more medical, business, and student visas for Afghan citizens. The two nations reaffirmed their joint resolve to combat cross-border terrorism in all its forms.

A positive outcome of Muttaqi’s visit is enhanced connectivity, with direct flights from Mumbai, Delhi, and Amritsar to Kabul and Kandahar, among other routes. Lauding the increased flights between Kabul and Delhi, Muttaqi said, “An agreement was also reached on trade and economy… We also invited the Indian side to invest, particularly in minerals, agriculture, and sports. We also discussed the Chabahar port… We also requested the opening of the Wagah border as it is the fastest and easiest trade route between India and Afghanistan…”

However, noting continued tensions on the Wagah border, Aam Aadmi Party MP Vikramjit Singh Sahney[9] said, “The biggest game changer is that His Excellency and the Indian government have agreed that flights from Amritsar to Kabul will begin. Pakistan is not letting the Attari-Wagah land route open, and Afghan drivers are not being allowed to come here in trucks. This is our way to fight this…”

Interestingly, soon after the recent border clashes, the Taliban supreme leader, Mawlawi Hibatullah Akhundzada, ordered the Ministry of Water to build dams on the Kunar (Chitral river in Pakistan), which could reduce the flow of water to Pakistan’s northwestern region.[10] With India moving to check the Indus waters, Pakistan could find itself in a tight corner.

Istanbul talks

For many years, Indian generals and strategic analysts have warned of a possible two-front war with Pakistan and China. Now, with Washington forcing New Delhi to improve ties with Beijing, which is being pressured on multiple fronts, it is Islamabad that fears a two-front war with India and Afghanistan! Given the new tensions between Pakistan and Afghanistan, the peace talks between the two countries in Istanbul were crucial.

The Istanbul peace talks collapsed dramatically on 28 October 2025 over US drone operations and cross-border terrorism.[11] The stunned mediators from Qatar and Turkey struggled to continue the dialogue, but to no avail.

The immediate trigger was the Pakistani delegation’s admission that Islamabad has a firm agreement with the US allowing drone operations from Pakistani territory. This enraged the Afghan side, which demanded assurances that Pakistan would not allow US drones to violate Afghan airspace. Although initially agreeable, the Pakistani delegation recanted after an “unknown phone call” from Islamabad and said they had no control over American drones or the activities of the Islamic State (Daesh). The Qatari and Turkish mediators described the breakdown as “sabotage by design.”

Major General Shahab Aslam, head of the Special Operations Division of the ISI and head of the Pakistani delegation, demanded that the Afghan Taliban “summon and control” all groups operating against Pakistan, including the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). The Afghan side countered that TTP members were Pakistani nationals and that Kabul had no authority over them.

The failure of the Istanbul talks stalled the peace process and heightened the risk of military confrontation along the Afghanistan-Pakistan border. Afghan sources warned that any future Pakistani strikes would be met with “reciprocal action” against Islamabad. Pakistan’s Defence Minister Khawaja Asif accused Kabul of acting as New Delhi’s tool.[12] Appearing on Geo News’ primetime show Aaj Shahzeb Khanzada ke Saath, Asif said the Afghanistan-Pakistan negotiations in Turkey collapsed after four or five reversals by the Afghan side. He accused Kabul’s power brokers of sabotaging progress under India’s influence.

Mohammad Suhail Shaheen, the Islamic Emirate’s ambassador to Qatar and a member of the negotiating team in Istanbul, said that Islamabad requested that the Islamic Emirate guarantee no security incidents on Pakistani soil, but the Afghan delegation asserted that each country is solely responsible for its own security.[13] Shaheen said Pakistan was trying to blame the Afghan government for an attack by a former CIA asset of Afghan origin in Washington and for a drone strike against Chinese citizens in Tajikistan, though most of the attacks destabilising the region are organised by Pakistan. Kabul denied that the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) operates from Afghan territory or organises attacks inside Pakistan. After the talks failed, Pakistan reopened the Torkham crossing on 01 November 2025 to allow Afghan nationals who had taken refuge in Pakistan to return home.

Afghanistan has shrugged off Western sanctions and purchased oil directly from Russia. The first fuel-loaded train arrived in Herat on 07 December 2025, after which the authorities announced plans to expand trade and build partnerships without middlemen. This is a significant geopolitical statement against Islamabad’s practice of using trade corridors for political leverage. By diversifying its trade partners, Kabul is mitigating Pakistan’s dominance over its economy.

In the third high-level visit to India in less than three months, the Afghan public health minister, Noor Jalal Jalali, arrived in the capital (Dec 16, 2025) to strengthen health cooperation, exchange expertise, and coordinate joint efforts.[14] The discussions are expected to focus on capacity-building for Afghan health workers, the import of quality medicines and medical equipment, and other health-related cooperation. In November, India delivered 63,734 doses of influenza and meningococcal vaccines, 73 tonnes of life-saving medicines, vaccines, and essential supplements to Kabul to help meet the healthcare needs of the population.

The Taliban regime values India for the humanitarian and health assistance provided despite political turbulence. Kabul is now looking forward to the arrival of an Indian ambassador, even as the border crossings between Afghanistan and Pakistan remain firmly closed. General Zia ul-Haq’s dream of strategic depth in Afghanistan, which mesmerised the military leadership for over three decades, has become a bitter nightmare for Pakistan.

Author Brief Bio: Sandhya Jain is a political analyst, independent researcher, and author of multiple books. She is also editor of the platform Vijayvaani.

References:

1] “Taliban Commerce Minister Urges Afghan Sikh and Hindu Communities to Return.” Afghanistan International, 21 Nov. 2025, www.afintl.com/en/202511218042.

2] Russia Hosts Taliban Delegation and Warns Against Foreign Military Presence in Afghanistan | Military.com. 7 Oct. 2025, www.military.com/daily-news/2025/10/07/russia-hosts-taliban-delegation-and-warns-against-foreign-military-presence-afghanistan.html.

3] Malikzada, Natiq. “The Case for an American Bagram Air Base.” The National Interest, 5 Oct. 2025, nationalinterest.org/blog/silk-road-rivalries/the-case-for-an-american-bagram-air-base.

4] “Taliban FM begins first visit by senior Afghan leader to India since 2021.” Al Jazeera, 9 Oct. 2025, www.aljazeera.com/news/2025/10/9/taliban-fm-begins-first-visit-by-senior-afghan-leader-to-india-since-2021

5] “Afghan Commerce Minister Urges Expanded Use of Chabahar Port, Says Govt. Considering Five-Year Tax Exemption for Arriving Industries.” The Hindu, 20 Nov. 2025, www.thehindu.com/news/international/afghan-commerce-minister-urges-expanded-use-of-chabahar-port-says-govt-considering-five-year-tax-exemption-for-arriving-industries/article70307544.ece

6] “Afghanistan Offers Idle Mining Sites to India; Assocham Urges Caution on Geological Challenges.” The Tribune, 24 Nov. n.d., www.tribuneindia.com/news/business/afghanistan-offers-idle-mining-sites-to-india-assocham-urges-caution-on-geological-challenges/.

7] “$100 Million Boost for India-Afghanistan Trade Marks Setback for Pakistan.” NDTV, 22 Dec. 2025, www.ndtv.com/world-news/100-million-boost-for-india-afghanistan-trade-marks-setback-for-pakistan-9713380

8] “Why Pakistan and Afghanistan Turned on Each Other.” The National Interest, nationalinterest.org/blog/silk-road-rivalries/why-pakistan-and-afghanistan-turned-on-each-other.

9] “Sahney Reveals Amritsar-Kabul Flights as Strategic Move to Counter Pakistan’s Blockade.” MSN, 23 Oct. 2025, www.msn.com/en-in/news/India/aap-mp-sahney-reveals-amritsar-kabul-flights-as-strategic-move-to-counter-pakistan-s-blockade/vi-AA1OnRYl

10] “Afghanistan to Construct Dams on Kunar River Following Border Clashes with Pakistan.” News on AIR, All India Radio, 24 Oct. 2025, www.newsonair.gov.in/afghanistan-to-construct-dams-on-kunar-river-following-border-clashes-with-pakistan/

11] “Pak-Afghan Peace Talks Fail amid US Drone Dispute, Diplomatic Meltdown in Istanbul.” NDTV.com, 22 Dec. 2025, www.ndtv.com/world-news/pakistan-afghanistan-peace-talks-fail-amid-us-drone-dispute-diplomatic-meltdown-in-istanbul-9533115.

12] “Pakistan’s Khawaja Asif Accuses Kabul of Being India’s Puppet, Vows Revenge.” India Today, 29 Oct. 2025, www.indiatoday.in/world/story/pakistans-khawaja-asif-accuses-kabul-of-being-indias-puppet-vows-revenge-glbs-2809917-2025-10-29

13] Ariana News. “IEA Rejected Pakistan’S Demand for Security Guarantees: Shaheen | Ariana News | Afghanistan News.” Ariana News, 1 Nov. 2025, www.ariananews.af/iea-rejected-pakistans-demand-for-security-guarantees-shaheen.

14] Azizi, Ahmad. “Taliban Health Minister Visits India as Contacts Deepen.” Amu TV, 16 Dec. 2025, amu.tv/216277.

 

An Interview with Shri Sunil Ambekar, Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh, RSS, on RSS@100

Rami Desai:

Sunil ji, let me start with a very simple question: could you explain in your own words what RSS is?

Sunil Ambekar:

RSS is an organisation where you can voluntarily contribute to the nation and society while preparing yourself for that purpose. It’s simple: just as you love your mother, it’s an extension of that love towards Bharat Mata. This entire process, this journey, is RSS. Anyone, any ordinary person, can join RSS. They come to the shakha, enter the RSS circle, and over time, through shakha exercises, learning about the country, our ancestors, and the present situation, they develop good discipline. This enables them to serve society and develop qualities like teamwork. Over time, they form a Sangha, which means working in a group. Basically, it is a network of networks. A shakha is one network that does the networking in its locality, and the association and combination of all these networks form the Sangha. So, in short, it’s a voluntary organisation. Everyone works together for the country.

Rami Desai:

Towards a common goal of safeguarding our national interests?

Sunil Ambekar:

You can say the word indicates: ‘National’ means the character is national, the goal is the nation’s glory or to make the nation better, and the way is volunteerism and working together. So, it’s called a Sangh, and the name is very indicative of what it is.

Rami Desai:

Its core ideology is Hindutva. Do you think Hindutva has changed over time or in its definition?

Sunil Ambekar:

No, the definition of Hindutva remains the same. We only change its expression or contextualise it according to the times. That means the context keeps changing when we speak of it today. For example, Hindutva is essentially the idea that there is one common element in everyone and that we are all connected. We are connected, so we have a relationship with each other; therefore, we should care for one another and create a world where people consider each other their own and care for each other. This way of living in the world is Hindutva; this is Hindu culture, basically, that’s it.

Now, when a new context arises, such as how you behave in another language, that language is also connected to you; find its commonality. If someone attacks our country, we must certainly defend it, but we should not indulge in warmongering or go around fighting unnecessarily. We will definitely protect our religion and culture in our country. If someone else attacks, then at that time we will think about defending ourselves. This means that if there are other cultures or civilisations in the world, we are not against them. So, these expressions keep changing. In today’s time, for example, caste has come into society, but Hindutva has no place for caste or discrimination. There is no place for disparity or anything like that. It is a social evil, so we have to focus on how we can eradicate this social evil or this disparity or the discrimination that happens among people. So many missions arise from this. If someone has broken or insulted our temple, then restoring it becomes a mission. So, there are many missions and expressions. But the basic idea is that we are connected to each other, living together by caring for one another. That is the essence of Hindutva.

Rami Desai:

What is the role of ‘Religion’ in Hindutva?

Sunil Ambekar:

If we look at it in the context of India, there are multiple Hindu religions based on Hindutva. In India, there are multiple religions that can be called sects, which we can also call dharma, panth, or sampradaya; there are many such traditions. That is why you can practise any religion.

But where does the role of Hindu Dharma come in? It comes in when you consider other paths as good and true, respect them, and are ready to live joyfully with them. So, this is what Hindutva is about, or you set your life in such a way that you can live with everyone and take everyone along. You also see the divine element in creation, so you do not worry about the environment only because humans are in trouble. We believe that the same element exists there too, so we are connected to it. Therefore, adjust your life to live with it. It is inclusive, and that is why we say Hindutva goes on being inclusive to the point of Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam, the world is one family. So, it goes on; the journey starts and moves towards that part.

Rami Desai:

Earlier, you spoke about caste. I’ll come back to that. But these days we’ve heard a new word: Gen-Z. We’ve also seen a certain amount of manipulation of the term Gen-Z in the neighbourhood. How much attraction does Gen-Z have towards the RSS in India, and do you visualise anything for the next 100 years to bring Gen-Z closer to the RSS structure?

Sunil Ambekar:

First of all, if we talk about the youth of India, whom you are calling Gen-Z, they are aspirational. They want to take India forward. They believe in the Constitution of India. They want to contribute to India’s progress in a constructive way. So, today’s Gen-Z is like this: they say ‘Bharat Mata ki Jai.’ They are connected to their religion and culture, and that’s why, in a way, the ideas that RSS holds are ideas that today’s youth subscribe to. And as far as Gen-Z is concerned, every generation is Gen-Z.

Those who were part of the freedom movement were also Gen-Z. They sacrificed everything for the country’s independence. When the Emergency was imposed, they were the ones who went to jail and fought to restore democracy. I think even after 2011, when corruption became a major issue and atrocities against women came to light, our country’s youth came out and said, ‘This will not work.’ They then turned it into constructive political change. So, I believe that Gen-Z in our country is on the side of building the nation, not destroying it. They are on the side of the Constitution, not of removing it. They are here to contribute to the country, not to abuse anyone. They are here for constructive contribution, and I think RSS is working along the same lines. That’s why most people subscribe to RSS ideas.

Rami Desai:

Rahul Gandhi ji sometimes says things like the RSS wants to change the Constitution. Who is he talking about?

Sunil Ambekar:

No, I think they should look at it. First of all, the Gen-Z of India, when they first became active, were against the Emergency. Who were they against? You can understand who imposed the Emergency. Then, in 2011, when corruption and atrocities against women became issues, Gen-Z in India became active again. Who were they against then? They should understand this, I feel. That’s why the youth of India is absolutely sensible and is moving forward in the right way to work positively.

Rami Desai:

You asked about the role of women in RSS. Do you believe they have a role? If so, what is it? And in the future, do you think women will ever be included in shakhas?

Sunil Ambekar:

I feel that even today, in the field shakhas, there are the Sangh’s women shakhas, the Sevika Samiti, and the men’s field shakhas, all of which essentially carry the name RSS. So, both continue to function even today. The committee was formed in 1936, and women’s involvement in all these activities, whether it’s decision-making in public life, various activities, or service initiatives, is continuously increasing. In the diverse organisations run by RSS volunteers, there is also a large number of women. They are in leadership roles, even at the top leadership level, so many people are working actively. As far as the topic of field shakhas is concerned, I feel that is a matter for society. The Sangh cannot decide that. Shakhas are held in localities. The day the people of the locality feel that such a shakha should be held, it will happen.

Rami Desai:

So, is it open?

Sunil Ambekar:

I think this depends on social norms and the circumstances of society at that time. So, in my view, that is not the important point. What is important is whether your outlook towards women is participatory or not, and whether it is equal or not; that is far more significant. If you look at it from those two criteria, I feel everything is positive.

Apart from that, see, our swayamsevaks have already started doing things like holding family shakhas at home during the COVID period. Even now, every shakha will have a monthly get-together of all the families of the swayamsevaks who attend that shakha. This has already started. So once a month, there will be a get-together at the level of each shakha. This has begun now, and it will take some time to implement fully because the Sangh grows organically. Nothing happens in one day by issuing an order; it will take its course.

By the way, every family is involved: we are family-based. The entire family participates. Without the involvement of families, the Sangh’s work cannot continue. The shakha’s work takes place at the Sangh location, such as physical exercises, but the rest of the work takes place at home. So, the whole family is involved; this has been the case from the very beginning.

Rami Desai:

So, anything is possible. Now, if we talk about caste, the Sangh’s point of view has always been that caste-based discrimination is unnecessary and should be done away with. But what is the RSS’s point of view on the caste census?

Sunil Ambekar:

No, this is something we have discussed earlier as well. I believe all Hindus are one, and in a way, there should be no discrimination or bias. However, in our country, for some time, certain people faced discrimination, and as a result, some were left behind socially in every way. Many measures are being taken for this, and they have society’s support. So, if governments need data to carry out such work, they can collect it. Beyond that, there should be no politics over this; that is the Sangh’s view. I feel that people today are sensible; we can see this in society. So, I think efforts for Hindu unity will continue, and at the same time, efforts to bring those who have been left behind socially to equality through various governmental and social schemes will also continue. Both these tasks must go hand in hand. And no one should be allowed to politicise this. To this end, we are constantly trying to make society aware.

Rami Desai:

Now, I would like to focus a little on international issues. In the neighbourhood, we have seen a situation involving minorities, especially Hindus. What is the Sangh’s view on this? And is it true, as we have observed, that their numbers have declined over time? In Bangladesh, we see their suffering increasing. Are they truly helpless? Is there no one to support them? What is their future?

Sunil Ambekar:

I feel that the incidents that have occurred in our neighbourhood, especially in Bangladesh, where atrocities were committed against Hindus and all minorities, are certainly unfortunate, and everyone will condemn them. Now, as far as the question of a solution is concerned, I feel that the stronger India becomes, the more its influence will be felt there. Because even there, it is extremely necessary to strengthen those forces that do not want such things to happen. That is why I feel we have been repeatedly telling the government that it must take a political initiative to tighten things so that these repeated incidents, which occur due to state sponsorship or government silence, can be stopped through strong political measures. We have been raising this issue repeatedly and will continue to do so. Ultimately, you see, making a country like India strong is very important to stop such forces, and we need to move in that direction. It is also very important to have clarity on this issue within India. The good thing this time is that when these atrocities happened against Hindus, everyone in India came together to oppose them. At the very least, there should be no politics over this in India, and we should speak in one voice. Efforts in this direction are absolutely necessary, and we are continuously working towards it.

Rami Desai:

So, how will this effort happen?

Sunil Ambekar:

We are speaking to everyone so that all Hindus speak with one voice and one message. Politically, an environment should be created where no one steps forward to say anything contrary, and everyone speaks positively. When a positive message is raised at the national level, only then will the government’s stance, whether raised domestically or on international platforms, carry strength and have an impact. That is why it is very important that the whole of India stands behind this. Only then will we be able to protect our people there, so that the government in Bangladesh can take concrete measures on this issue.

And those international forces that, directly or indirectly, support Pakistan’s terrorist intentions and activities, or those that help similar forces in Bangladesh, and many international powers that remain silent on such matters, because of this, incidents occur in countries like Bangladesh. This is why there is an international dimension to this issue. Such an environment should be created in India, and, at the international level, no nation can support those who engage in such activities. Only then will this stop. And those in Bangladesh who do not want this to happen, or political parties and forces there that consider this wrong, will also be strengthened by this. From that, a solution to the problem will emerge naturally.

Rami Desai:

Across the world, we have seen nationalist governments come to power, whether you call them right-wing or governments that prioritise their national interest. At one point, we felt there was some commonality with us. Do you think there can be any cooperation with such governments internationally? Will they understand what you mentioned about our neighbourhood? Or is this also part of our debate about missionary influence that sometimes comes in? How can we work together?

Sunil Ambekar:

Look, when it comes to hard diplomatic questions, the government has to create pathways through its influence and dialogue. And the country that remains strong and can present its views effectively always sees the situation move in its favour. It can put forward its points in its own way. That’s why finding new friends on the international stage and strengthening itself on that basis is important. I feel a good government always makes efforts for this, and the Government of India is doing so. So that is a good step.

But the most important thing is that India must become as capable and strong as possible in every respect. Only then will our words carry the weight we want. That’s why, as the Sangh, we are constantly working to make people across India understand the importance of unity, participation, and awareness of these issues, which we call understanding who is a friend and who is an enemy. We are continuously working to awaken this awareness in India. And we believe that through this, a very positive environment will be created in the country, and the future will be very bright.

Rami Desai:

Sunil ji, although I could ask you many more questions because this conversation is so interesting and I think those watching will hear aspects they may never have heard directly, I want to ask one last question. This is the centenary year of RSS. RSS is national, but does it have an international agenda in the coming years?

Sunil Ambekar:

Look, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh operates within India, focusing on how the unity of Hindus can help make this nation stronger and better, whether in terms of life values, prosperity, or strength. But today, the most important context is that the entire world, including developed nations, is seeking solutions to contemporary problems in a single way. In that, India’s Hindutva approach can be very useful. So, the idea is to demonstrate this approach in practice within India, because merely talking about theory will not help. We need to show it in action and then engage in dialogue with people internationally. Many people are visiting India these days, and we are already having such conversations and sharing ideas.

For example, when we talk about the environment, it cannot be solved by technology and politics alone. People will have to change their lifestyles. When our demands change, the market and technology cycles will change as well; that’s when real change will happen. Planning only for 30–40% of people will not work. We need to think about what living standards the world can sustain for 140–150 crore people in India and 700–800 crore people globally. We must bring those at the bottom up and tell those at the top who are over-consuming, “You are a burden; contribute and correct this.” So, we need to find such pathways.

Today, there is a problem in families: people are not connecting the economy and the family. This connection is necessary. If families stay together, economic prosperity will be sustainable; otherwise, it won’t. For example, if five people live in one house, that’s one house. But if the average drops to 2.5 people per house, as in the US, we will need two houses instead of one. Currently, we have 28–30 crore houses. If the family average becomes 2.5, we will need another 30 crore houses. What will that do to the economy? So, culture and the economy must be linked. This has not been done globally so far. Many topics are connected to this, including the environment, cultural understanding, family structures, and societal issues.

Take women’s issues: from feminism, people have moved to wokism because solutions are not being found. There can be solutions within family structures. We need Familism, not Feminism, actually. We don’t believe in ‘isms,’ but if I had to use a parallel term, I would say that. So, people need to adopt this. There are countless solutions. For health, the lifestyle we advocate, such as yoga, is already being adopted. So, there are solutions for the modern and developed world. And for the future world we envision, there are many solutions. If we do not accept others’ viewpoints as true or valid, the world will become enemies of one another. There cannot be peace. Even now, people say the 21st century belongs to AI, yet wars are still happening. Even near our country, there are forces that still believe in terrorism.

This can only change if we embrace India’s vision of many religions, but one dharma and one culture, which we can call human dharma, namely Hindu dharma. Everyone needs this. Only then can we live peacefully; otherwise, it’s not possible. So, I believe the experiments and explorations we have conducted here, and the collective efforts to take India forward, will be helpful in the entire world. From that perspective, we will engage in dialogue with people across the globe in the coming times.

Rami Desai:

Sunil ji, thank you for so eloquently setting out the future vision for us. Thank you very much. On behalf of India Foundation, we are very honoured to have this interview with you.

Sunil Ambekar:

Thank you.

Brief Bios:

  • Shri Sunil Ambekar is the Akhil Bharatiya Prachar Pramukh of RSS.
  • Rami Desai is an author, anthropologist, and scholar specializing in the North Eastern region of India. She holds degrees in Anthropology of Religion and Theology from King’s College, London. Her research focuses on ethnic identity, tribal issues, and insurgency. She is a Distinguished Fellow at the India Foundation and regularly contributes to major newspapers and news channels.

 

A Persian in the Land of Thalis: Reflections on India, Identity, and the RSS

Introduction

In a world where our understanding of cultures often dissolves into the fog of preconceptions, and political ideas are reflected through the distorted mirrors of cliché, approaching the lived reality of an ancient society—especially one as layered as India—requires stepping away from ready-made narratives and towards direct experience. India cannot be understood through a single viewpoint or label; it resembles a thali—a diverse, multi-layered spread whose meaning becomes clear only when its elements are seen together rather than in isolation.

This note seeks to explore how direct interaction with groups such as the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) can contribute to a more accurate understanding of certain social and cultural dynamics within India—not as an endorsement or rejection, but as an attempt to situate the organisation within the broader “thali” of India’s complexity. RSS occupies an influential space in India’s public life, and that influence has generated a wide range of interpretations, often sharply divergent.

Ram Madhav, in The Hindutva Paradigm (2024), offers a thought-provoking observation: “The Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) is difficult to understand but easy to misunderstand” (ibid., 1). This statement does not define the organisation; rather, it underscores the importance of our method of understanding. Many external interpretations capture only one part of the picture and extend it to the whole. Direct engagement—speaking with members, observing activities, and encountering the organisation in practice—can help complete that picture, whether by confirming prior assumptions or complicating them.

Approaches rooted in distance, especially those shaped by dominant frameworks in Orientalist scholarship, tend to emphasise certain aspects of organisations, such as the RSS, while overlooking others. In contrast, firsthand experience opens space to observe the broader cultural, social, and political spectrum that becomes visible only from within. The goal is not to render quick judgments but to acknowledge the complexity that is often flattened in external analyses.

Iran and India, linked through long-standing historical ties and shared intellectual traditions, provide fertile ground for deeper dialogue and mutual understanding. This note suggests that approaches based on direct observation—including engagement with the RSS—can help us move beyond common stereotypes and towards a more nuanced, multi-dimensional view of India’s cultural, philosophical, and political landscape—one shaped not from a distance, but through direct experience.

  1. The Challenge of Perception and Research Methodology

The serious, sustained study of any civilisation, particularly one as ancient, vast, and symbolically intricate as India, must commence with a fundamental critique of its own methodological assumptions. The philosopher Slavoj Žižek posed a deceptively simple yet profoundly unsettling question that serves as an essential starting point for cross-cultural inquiry: “What if the way we perceive a problem is already part of the problem?” This proposition is far more than a mere philosophical query; it is a crucial epistemic imperative when engaging with a culture defined by layered history and deep symbolic resonance. The lens through which an external observer views a complex culture—whether shaped by inherited academic paradigms, geopolitical frameworks, or prevailing media narratives—often predetermines the nature and shape of the very “problem” being analysed, as the observer is fundamentally entangled in the phenomenon itself.

This profound methodological truth was repeatedly encountered throughout the trajectory of research on South Asia, spanning from master’s-level work on the subtle concepts underlying Gandhi’s ahimsa to doctoral-level inquiries into the complexities of Hindutva and the organisational ethos of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS). The researcher’s own conceptual frameworks often become intrinsically woven into the landscape being surveyed, making objective distance a constant struggle.

A well-known adage shared among those who attempt to grasp India succinctly captures this recurring sense of intellectual humility and the scale of the challenge: “When you first arrive in India, you think you can write a book about it. Soon, you realise that only an article may suffice. And eventually, you understand that even a single sentence about India is profoundly difficult to write.” India is not a static object of study; it is an oceanic, multi-hued, living world of continuous experience that necessitates profound intellectual modesty and an acknowledgement of its near-infinite complexity. Every attempt to provide a singular, definitive explanation invariably uncovers new layers of complexity, thus continually reaffirming Žižek’s core warning: the means of perception are themselves entangled within the problem’s definition.

Consequently, any attempt at an authentic, academically rigorous understanding of contemporary Indian phenomena, particularly the ideological nuances of Hindutva and the structure of the RSS, must involve a deliberate and critical effort to transcend the Western constructs that have historically dominated global scholarly discourse. As articulated in Edward Said’s foundational critique, Orientalism (Said, 1978), Western scholarship has frequently constructed knowledge less as a means of genuine understanding and more as an exercise in subtle cultural power and intellectual domination. Numerous conventional Western analyses of both Hindutva and the RSS often inadvertently reflect these pre-constructed frameworks—which may be rooted in political reductionism or secularist assumptions—rather than the actual, lived realities and self-defined terms used by the Indian actors themselves.

To penetrate beyond these external analytical veils, the only effective methodology is one of direct, prolonged, and sustained dialogue. The most reliable and nuanced insights were derived from years of direct interaction with influential Indian thinkers, including Ram Madhav, and from extensive, candid engagement with a wide array of grassroots members within the RSS. The key finding was that the most authentic comprehension emerges when the voices are heard in their own terms and idiom—whether expressed in regional languages or in English, which serves as a pragmatic and crucial bridge for cross-cultural conversation—rather than relying solely on generalised, abstract, or politically charged secondary interpretations originating from external sources. This commitment to primary, experiential, and dialogic engagement is the absolute prerequisite for effectively navigating and overcoming the challenge of perception.

  1. Iran and India: Mythic and Civilizational Kinship

The relationship between Iran and India is not merely one of geopolitical proximity or intermittent historical interaction; it is defined by a deep-seated, fraternal, and structural kinship. This profound connection is best captured by the timeless, powerful metaphor of Rama and Lakshmana from the Hindu epic, the Ramayana. Lakshmana is portrayed not as a mere secondary figure, but as the embodiment of unwavering ethical fortitude and constant, loyal companionship, whose presence and support are essential to Rama fulfilling his complex and challenging dharmic duties. In this same vein, Iran functions as a natural, almost mythic, counterpart—a true sibling civilisation—for interpreting and understanding India. It serves not as an external critic but rather as a co-originating cultural force whose shared roots illuminate the fundamental structures of the other. This powerful, enduring mythic analogy underscores the deep, shared foundations that inextricably bind the two great civilisations.

This conceptual parallelism extends far beyond mere literary metaphor, penetrating the core of shared linguistic, philosophical, and moral structures. In the Indian civilizational paradigm, Dharma functions as the multifaceted cornerstone defining ethical, social, and cosmic order. The term is inherently holistic, encompassing duty, law, righteousness, virtue, and the appropriate way of living in alignment with universal truth (Klostermaier, 2007). In parallel with ancient Iranian thought, closely analogous principles are manifest in Asha, which defines cosmic order, fundamental truth, and the ethical conduct necessary to maintain that order. Complementing this is Dād, which denotes the specific principles of justice, equity, and social equilibrium. A critical, unifying convergence between these two systems is the strong prioritisation of right action (praxis) over passive doctrinal belief, consistently emphasising ethical living as the highest measure of human alignment with the universal order.

This deep structural kinship is unequivocally supported by the presence of significant shared mythic symbols, most conspicuously the veneration of the sacred cow. This animal transcends its status as livestock to become a powerful symbolic entity in both cultural narratives. In Vedic texts and throughout Indian culture, cows symbolise abundance, vitality, divine insight, and the profound principle of cosmic generativity. This widespread veneration resonates deeply with parallel Iranian motifs and cultural memory. In the Avesta, the life-giving cow (gāu) is understood to embody essential cosmic energy crucial to creation and continuous sustenance.

The shared, powerful archetype is explicitly reflected in the heroic narratives of both traditions, particularly the detailed role of the cow in the Iranian narrative:

  • In the Iranian national epic, the Shahnameh, the miraculous, nurturing cow named Barmaiyeh (also known as Bermaiyeh) plays a pivotal, life-saving role. Barmaiyeh provides essential sustenance and sanctuary to the young Fereydun, the hero destined to rise and ultimately overthrow the tyrant Zahhak. The cow’s presence at the start of Fereydun’s life is not merely an incidental detail; it is a profound symbolic act. Barmaiyeh embodies the life-giving, protective, and foundational energies necessary for the eventual triumph of Asha (truth/order) over the chaos and injustice represented by Zahhak. Fereydun’s ability to restore equilibrium in the realm is thus tied back directly to the sacred, nurturing entity that supported him in his infancy. The cow, in this sense, is an active agent of providence and the continuity of moral order.
  • In parallel Vedic traditions, ancient heroic or semi-divine figures, such as Trita, are frequently aided—either symbolically or directly—by sacred bovines in their profound struggle to confront chaos, combat disorder, and restore the vital principle of Dharma.

In both heroic cycles, the cow serves as a consistent and vital facilitator of moral order and cosmic justice, acting as a bridge between human heroic action and the essential divine or cosmic orchestration. This symbolic and thematic continuity clearly shows that India and Iran are not merely “others” to each other; they form twin civilisations that share fundamental archetypes, deeply ingrained ethical imaginative frameworks, and identical cosmological concerns (Thapar, 2013). Fereydun’s successful restoration of balance after defeating Zahhak, rooted in the victory of cosmic law and order, closely parallels the Indian concept of dharmic heroism, as powerfully exemplified by the complex moral responsibilities borne by figures such as Rama and the Pāṇḍavas in their respective epics.

  1. Shared Ethical and Spiritual Frameworks

The foundational connection between India and Iran extends well beyond shared myths and historical contact, reaching into the deepest layers of human spiritual and existential experience. This shared intellectual and moral ground is most vividly articulated through fundamental philosophical concepts and parallel poetic expressions that inherently convey profound complexity.

The Philosophical Core: Dharma and Asha (Ashé)

The intellectual bedrock of both civilisations is characterised by concepts that actively resist simple, one-to-one translation into Western languages, reflecting the unique, integrated nature of ethics, cosmic order, and societal structure within their respective worldviews.

  • Dharma (India): As the quintessential framework, it encompasses duty, moral law, righteousness, and, most pivotally, ethical praxis. It serves as a comprehensive guide to individual conduct and as the mechanism for maintaining social and cosmic order (Klostermaier, 2007).
  • Asha (Ancient Iran): This principle functions analogously, serving as the ultimate definition of universal truth, cosmic harmony, and the necessary ethical conduct required of humans to align with this cosmic reality.
  • Dād (Iran): Complementing Asha, dād provides the specific, actionable framework for administering social justice and ensuring equitable equilibrium within the community structure.

These terms are critically important because they universally encode the principle that moral conduct is entirely inseparable from societal accountability and personal alignment with a greater, transcendent universal order. Understanding the foundational importance of Dharma and Asha—and their shared emphasis on action (praxis) over abstract belief (dogma)—is essential for interpreting both the overall trajectory of Indian civilizational thought and the practice-focused ethical framework adopted by the RSS. The core commonality is the belief that religious or traditional life is primarily defined by conduct and moral responsibility, establishing right action as the final measure of alignment with cosmic law.

The Poetics of Bewilderment: Nanak and Hafez

The sheer continuity of the spiritual quest and the expression of universal existential doubt are powerfully captured in the poetry of two great spiritual masters: Guru Nanak, the founder of Sikhism, and the Persian poet Hafez. Both articulate a shared human predicament—the sense of spiritual and cognitive astonishment (ta’ajjub) when confronted by the immense, baffling complexity of existence. Guru Nanak gives voice to this deep sense of bewilderment and the necessity of self-search in his striking verses: “I remain astonished in the search for myself. / In darkness, I find no path. / Bewildered in pride, I weep with regret. / How can one attain salvation?” (Granth, 2004, 202, trans. Grant)

This clear expression of spiritual searching, existential confusion, and the difficulty of finding the correct moral path is mirrored with remarkable thematic fidelity in the ghazals of Hafez (Hafez, 2004): “From every side I went; nothing but astonishment increased. / Alas, this desert and this infinite path!” Hafez laments the boundless, inherently confusing nature of the spiritual and moral journey, underscoring the desperate need for guidance in the dark: “In this dark night, the path to purpose is lost; / Come forth from a corner, O guiding star.”

For the scholar, these deep thematic resonances are not merely intellectual curiosities; they provide a crucial, empathetic framework for engaging with India. They permit the researcher to view Indian civilisation not as a collection of alien or exotic practices, but as a vibrant, living tradition that grapples with the same fundamental moral and spiritual concerns that have informed and shaped Iranian intellectual and ethical traditions for millennia. The Iranian perspective, deeply rooted in its own long history of ethical reflection and heroic mythology, thus offers a uniquely natural and sympathetic lens for interpreting the core, enduring dynamics of Indian civilisation.

  1. Identity, Cultural Confidence, and Introspection (The Jam-e Jam)

Civilisations that have successfully preserved a deep and continuous historical consciousness naturally cultivate a strong cultural confidence—an intrinsic and powerful awareness of their own value, the endurance of their legacy, and the vital necessity of self-preservation through ethical and moral consistency. This profound characteristic is clearly visible in the histories of both Iran and India. In the Indian context, when the socio-cultural movement of Hindutva is examined at its deepest level, it can be seen as a disciplined and deliberate expression of this very confidence: a commitment to achieving ethical and cultural coherence and to actively nurturing civic and moral responsibility among its followers.

The Allegory of the Jam-e Jam

The poetry of Hafez provides the most vivid and compelling allegory for this essential process of cultural introspection: the Jam-e Jam. This legendary cup symbolises universal insight, wisdom, and a comprehensive vision of the world. Hafez employs it to critique the human tendency to seek validation or knowledge from external sources, while the ultimate truth resides within the self and one’s own tradition. His famous couplet offers a profound and inescapable admonition for all studies of civilisation: “For years my heart sought the Jam-e Jam from others; What it possessed itself, it sought from the stranger.”

This couplet emphasises that true understanding, authentic cultural knowledge, and a grounded sense of identity must spring from within the civilisation itself. They cannot be reliably derived from external imitations, reactive criticisms, or dependence on the approval of outsiders. The Jam-e Jam, as a symbol of self-knowledge, underscores the fundamental principle that genuine cultural authenticity emerges from deep, internal reflection—not from external appropriation or copying.

RSS and the Quest for India’s Jam-e Jam

In earlier years, members of the RSS and similar organisations generally preferred to speak little about their beliefs or internal practices with outsiders. As a result, most accounts and interpretations of the organization and of Hindutva were produced by individuals outside the group, which often led to widespread misunderstandings. At times, the movement was labelled as a fascist ideology, while at other moments it was dismissed as a closed, antiquated tradition resistant to any innovation.

Fortunately, the movement’s new generation has approached public engagement with a markedly different perspective. They write fluently in English, participate actively in international conferences, and maintain high levels of dialogue and interaction. This renewed approach has not only enabled the group to be better understood but also facilitated a deeper understanding of India’s cultural heritage. A sense of cultural confidence has emerged, and when speaking with students and young people in India, this fresh understanding is immediately perceptible. Members talk with genuine enthusiasm about India’s cultural and historical legacy, as if the RSS itself is in search of its own “Jam-e Jam” for India: reclaiming, recognising, and reintroducing the rich identity and heritage of the civilisation.

  1. Experiential Findings and Hindutva as Ethical Praxis

In the quest to gain a deeper understanding of Hindutva and the philosophies of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS), a closer examination of the positions taken by its prominent leaders is essential. One key observation in this regard is the assertion made by Mohan Bhagwat, the head of RSS, who emphasised that Hindutva cannot exist without Muslims. He stated, “If we do not accept Muslims, then it is not Hindutva. Hindutva is Indian-ness and inclusion” (as cited in Madhav, 2024, 250). This statement highlights an essential aspect of Hindutva that often goes unrecognised: it is not merely a political ideology but a vision of inclusivity that seeks to bring diverse communities together under the broad umbrella of Indian identity.

This inclusiveness is particularly evident in the everyday, voluntary activities of RSS members. Throughout India, the Sangh’s Shakhas and volunteer groups are actively engaged in crisis response efforts, such as flood relief and disaster management, demonstrating their commitment to serving society at large. These volunteers, driven by a sense of duty to their country and humanity, are not merely seeking political power or religious dominance; they are guided by a deep commitment to the moral and spiritual well-being of their nation.

This deep sense of inclusion and community service highlights the core values of Hindutva, which emphasises cultural self-realisation rather than opposing external forces. RSS, through its volunteer efforts and educational activities, aims to strengthen a shared sense of identity among all Indians, surpassing the divisions often created by external narratives.

From my own experience, and in conversations with figures such as Ram Madhav, a central question emerged: Does Hindutva aim to create a melting pot, where all groups merge into a single, homogeneous entity, or is it more akin to the thali (traditional Indian meal) where various distinct elements are served side by side, maintaining their individuality while complementing one another? The answer is not about forced homogenization but about respecting the unique flavours of each component while recognising their collective harmony. This “distinct flavour” defines Hindutva – a flavour unique to India, rooted in centuries of cultural, philosophical, and spiritual history.

This is not about exclusion, but about embracing cultural self-confidence – the confidence that I, as an Indian, possess the Jam-e Jam of my civilisation, which defines my identity. The goal of RSS, in this context, is to restore the proud and ancient identity of India or Bharat. It is a process of self-empowerment, one that seeks to reclaim the moral and cultural treasure of the civilisation that has existed for millennia, not merely as a reactionary force but as an active, reflective force of cultural revival.

The Continuity of Ethical Praxis and Conclusion

In conclusion, the Hindutva movement, when understood in its true context, goes beyond the simplistic political caricatures often imposed upon it. It is not about rejecting diversity or excluding others; rather, it is about fostering a sense of unity and shared moral responsibility among all who identify with Indian civilisation. Hindutva, as articulated by the RSS, is a call to recognize India’s ancient wisdom, cultural autonomy, and moral self-confidence. By internalizing this identity, the RSS and its followers aim to revitalize the ethical and spiritual foundations of Indian civilization, affirming that the essence of Hindutva is not division, but unity rooted in cultural pride and responsibility.

In this sense, Hindutva fundamentally seeks to restore the ethical and cultural identity of Indian society, particularly by emphasising moral action and social responsibility. Viewed through this civilizational lens, Hindutva emerges as a conscious continuation of a shared ethical lineage between Iran and India. In both civilisations, concepts like Dharma (in India) and Asha (in Iran) serve as foundational principles for aligning individual conduct with cosmic and social order. These concepts not only help define ethics and global harmony but also emphasise the primacy of ethical action (praxis) over abstract belief. In this framework, Hindutva is seen not just as a political ideology, but as a living, ethical worldview—one that actively seeks to build unity through cultural pride and moral responsibility.

Thus, much like the Jam-e Jam in Persian literature, which symbolises ultimate wisdom and truth, Hindutva also calls for an internal realisation of these truths; an ethical and cultural self-recognition. RSS and its followers aim to rejuvenate India’s moral and spiritual legacy by embracing a vision of unity, not division, rooted in cultural pride and social responsibility.

In essence, the Hindutva movement is a call to reclaim India’s heritage—not just politically, but ethically and culturally—while fostering a spirit of collective moral responsibility. This is the deeper vision of Hindutva: not merely a political stance, but a profound commitment to unity and pride in one’s civilisation, deeply rooted in the belief that a nation’s strength lies in its shared ethical traditions and cultural coherence. Through this process, RSS seeks to highlight the importance of a vibrant, living tradition; one that continuously nurtures its moral compass, ultimately bringing people together in a cohesive, ethical, and culturally proud society.

Author Brief Bio: Omid Babelian is a researcher at the Institute for Political and International Studies (IPIS), Iran’s leading think tank dedicated to Track 1.5 and Track 2 diplomacy. He holds a Master’s degree and a Ph.D. in World Studies with a specialization in the Indian Subcontinent. His doctoral research focuses on an analysis of the Hindutva discourse. Additionally, he works on the Indian Ocean region, examining the maritime dimensions of international relations and the role of regional actors in shaping global dynamics. His academic and professional work centers on the political, social, and cultural dynamics of South Asia. At IPIS, he actively contributes to research initiatives that foster dialogue and support Iran’s strategic diplomatic engagement. Beyond his regional specialization, Omid has a profound interest in cinema, the philosophy of art, political thought, and international literature. His interdisciplinary approach allows him to combine political analysis with cultural and philosophical insights, enriching his contributions to the study of international relations and global diplomacy.

References:

Hafez, S. (2004). The Divan of Hafez. Trans. D. Newman. London: Routledge.

Grant, G. (Trans.). (2004). Sri Guru Granth Sahib. New Delhi: Guru Granth Sahib Academy.

Klostermaier, K. (2007). A survey of Hinduism (3rd ed.). New York: State University of New York Press.

Madhav, R. (2024). The Hindutva Paradigm. Westland Publications Limited

Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. New York: Vintage Books.

Thapar, R. (2013). The past before us: Historical traditions of early India. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

 

Explide
Drag